Readings in Globalization Key Concepts and Major Debates - VSIP.INFO (2023)

Readings in Globalization

Globalization A Basic Text George Ritzer This balanced introduction draws on academic and popular sources to examine the major issues and events in the history of globalization. Globalization: A Basic Text is a substantial introductory textbook, designed to work either on its own or alongside Readings in Globalization. The books are cross-referenced and are both structured around the core concepts of globalization. 2009 • 608 pages • 978-1-4051-3271-8 • paperback




WILEY-BLACKWELL A John Wiley & Sons, Ltd., Publication

This edition first published 2010 © Editorial material and organization © 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd Blackwell Publishing was acquired by John Wiley & Sons in February 2007. Blackwell's publishing program has been merged with Wiley's global Scientific, Technical, and Medical business to form Wiley-Blackwell. Registered Office John Wiley & Sons Ltd, The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester, West Sussex, P 0 1 9 8SQ, United Kingdom Editorial Offices 350 Main Street, Maiden, MA 02148-5020, USA 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ, UK The Atrium, Southern Gate, Chichester, West Sussex, POl 9 8SQ, UK For details of our global editorial offices, for customer services, and for information about how to apply for permission to reuse the copyright material in this book please see our website at The right of George Ritzer and Zeynep Atalay to be identified as the authors of the editorial material in this work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication maybe reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher. Wiley also publishes its books in a variety of electronic formats. Some content that appears in print may not be available in electronic books. Designations used by companies to distinguish their products are often claimed as trademarks. All brand names and product names used in this book are trade names, service marks, trademarks or registered trademarks of their respective owners. The publisher is not associated with any product or vendor mentioned in this book. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to the subject matter covered. It is sold on the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering professional services. If professional advice or other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent professional should be sought. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this title. PB: 978-1-4051-3273-2 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Set in 9.5/12pt Minion by Graphicraft Limited, Hong Kong Printed in the USA 1 2010

Introduction t o t h e B o o k 1

Introduction to Globalization D e b a t e s 1

Is Globalization Civilizing, Destructive or Feeble? A Critique of Five Key Debates in the Social Science Literature Mauro F. Guillen

Part I Political Economy 2

Civilizations 2 3

4 5 6

T h e Clash o f Civilizations? Samuel P. Huntington Global Utopias and Clashing Civilizations: Misunderstanding the Present John Gray Can Civilizations Clash? Jack F. Matlock, Jr History Ends, Worlds Collide Chris Brown If Not Civilizations, What? Paradigms of the Post-Cold War World Samuel P. Huntington

Orientalism, Colonialism, a n d Postcolonialism 7 8 9 10

Orientalism: Introduction Edward W. Said Orientalism and Orientalism in Reverse Sadik Jalal al- 'Azm Postcolonialism and Its Discontents Ali Rattansi Said's Orientalism: A Vital Contribution Today Peter Marcuse

19 21 23

29 34 36 37

43 47 54 57 66







Freedom versus Collectivism in Foreign Aid William Easterly The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time Karl Polanyi Freedom's Just Another Word . . . David Harvey

86 101




Structural A d j u s t m e n t 15










146 150




22 23 24

Sociology and the Nation-State in an Era of Shifting Boundaries Donald N. Levine T h e Westfailure System Susan Strange Globalization and the Myth of the Powerless State Linda Weiss Globalization and the Resilience of State Power Daniel Béland Beyond Nation-State Paradigms: Globalization, Sociology, and the Challenge of Transnational Studies William I. Robinson

161 166 175






26 27


Structural Adjustment in East and Southeast Asia: Lessons from Latin America Jim Glassman and Pâdraig Carmody T h e Social Consequences of Structural Adjustment: Recent Evidence and Current Debates Sarah Babb T h e Human Rights Effects of World Bank Structural Adjustment, 1981-2000 M. Rodwan Abouharb and David L. Cingranelli H o w International M o n e t a r y Fund and World Bank Policies Undermine Labor Power and Rights Vincent Lloyd and Robert Weissman W h o Has Failed Africa? : I M F Measures or the African Leadership? Gerald Scott





Neoliberalism as Exception, Exception to Neoliberalism Aihwa Ong

Transnational Practices Leslie Sklair Social T h e o r y and Globalization: T h e Rise of a Transnational State William I. Robinson Revisiting the Question of the Transnational State: A C o m m e n t on William Robinson's "Social T h e o r y and Globalization" Philip McMichael



W o r l d Systems





The Modern World-System: Theoretical Reprise Immanuel Wallerstein Competing Conceptions of Globalization Leslie Sklair










33 34 35


228 of


234 240







Toward a Sociology of the Network Society Manuel Castells Depoliticizing Globalization: F r o m Neo-Marxism to the Network Society of Manuel Peter Marcuse



W o r l d Risk Society a n d Cosmopolitanism









N e t w o r k Society a n d Informationalism



Empire Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri T h e Global Coliseum: On Empire Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri interviewed by Nicholas Brown and Imre Szeman Retrieving the Imperial: Empire and International Relations Tarak Barkawi and Mark Laffey Africa: the Black Hole at the Middle David Moore T h e New World Order ( T h e y Mean It) Stanley Aronowitz Adventures of the Multitude: Response of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri

T h e Terrorist Threat: World Risk Society Revisited Ulrich Beck Risk, Globalisation and the State: A Critical Appraisal of Ulrich B e c k and the World Risk Society Thesis Darryl S. L. Jarvis Unpacking Cosmopolitanism for the Social Sciences: A Research Agenda Ulrich Beck and Natan Sznaider Cosmopolitanism and Nationalism Craig Calhoun


280 285

McWorld and Jihad




43 44


Jihad vs M c W o r l d Benjamin R. Barber Paris Is Burning: Jihad vs McWorld by Benjamin R. Barber Fareed Zakaria Sovereignty and Emergency: Political Theology, Islam and American Conservatism Bryan S. Turner On Terrorism and the New D e m o c r a t i c Realism Benjamin R. Barber


301 305


Part II 46






49 50

T h e World in Creolisation UlfHannerz Flows, Boundaries and Hybrids: Keywords in Transnational Anthropology UlfHannerz Globalization as Hybridization Jan Nederveen Pieterse Glocalization: T i m e - S p a c e and Homogeneity-Heterogeneity Roland Robertson

Critiquing Creolization, Hybridity, a n d Glocalization 51







Globalization and Culture: Three Paradigms Jan Nederveen Pieterse


Creolization, Hybridity, a n d Glocalization




Hybridity, So What? T h e Anti-Hybridity Backlash and the Riddles of Recognition Jan Nederveen Pieterse T h e Global, the Local, and the Hybrid: A Native Ethnography of Glocalization Marwan M. Kraidy Globalization and Trinidad Carnival: Diaspora, Hybridity and Identity in Global Culture Keith Nurse Mapping the "Glocal" Village: T h e Political Limits of "Glocalization" William H. Thornton Rethinking Globalization: Glocalization/Grobalization and Something/Nothing George Ritzer Dialectics of Something and Nothing: Critical Reflections on Ritzer's Globalization Analysis Douglas Kellner

324 326 334











An Introduction to McDonaldization George Ritzer



McDonaldization and the Global Culture of C o n s u m p t i o n Malcolm Waters T h e McDonald's Mosaic: Glocalization and Diversity Bryan S. Turner Transnationalism, Localization, and Fast Foods in East Asia James L. Watson Global Implications of McDonaldization and Disneyization Alan Bryman


59 60 61

393 396 399




G l o c o m m o d i n c a t i o n : How the Global Consumes the Local McDonald's in Israel Uri Ram


W o r l d Culture





World Culture: Origins and Consequences Frank J. Lechner and John Boli Norms, Culture, and World Politics: Insights from Sociology's Institutionalism Martha Finnemore


Sources a n d Credits




As the title makes clear, this anthology deals with globalization. We will operate with the following definition of globalization: Globalization is a transplanetary process or set of processes involving increasing liquidity and the growing multidirectional flows of people, objects, places, and information as well as the structures they encounter and create that are barriers to, or expedite, those flows. 1

Globalization is, of course, a vast topic which cannot be covered completely in even as lengthy a volume as this one. The subtitle of this book makes clear what aspects of globalization will be dealt with here. Our first goal is to introduce the reader to at least some of the major concepts in the study of globalization. However, this introduction will be presented in the context of the debates that swirl in and around them. Indeed, the entire field of globalization studies is riddled with debates of all sorts and a secondary goal of this anthology is to introduce the reader to at least some of the major disputes in the field. These debates are important in themselves, but they also serve to clarify what we know about globalization. Furthermore, in many cases the debates also offer at least some examples of extensions to our knowledge of globalization that flow out of such debates. Such extensions are important because they illustrate that these debates are not merely exchanges of differing positions, but at times lead to advances in our understanding of globalization. All of the chapters illustrate this fact, but this is particularly the case where debates over a concept lead to new concepts. Examples of the latter include the debate over neoliberalism leading to such conceptual amplifications as neoliberalism as exception, exceptions to neoliberalism and graduated sovereignty (chapter 4); the debate about glocalization leading to the concept of grobalization (chapters 13, 14); and the debate over McDonaldization leading to the idea of glocommodification (chapter 15). Chapter 1 of this volume stands alone and apart from the rest in the sense that it offers an overview of some of the major debates in the field. It constitutes an introduction to the volume, as well as to many of the debates to follow. The remainder of the volume is divided into two broad parts. The first part deals with concepts, debates, and extensions in the political economy of globalization. As is explained further in the introduction to Part I, this heading was selected because in many cases it is difficult to clearly distinguish the political and economic aspects of globalization. The term "political economy" is rather old-fashioned; it was at one time coterminous with "economics" and related specifically to the economy of the state. However, it is now used more broadly to refer to the relationship between the state and the economy and that is the way it will be deployed here. Some of the concepts (e.g. nation-state) covered in this part tend to be more political in nature, while others (e.g. neoliberalism) are more oriented to economics. Nonetheless, all deal in varying degrees with the relationship between politics and economics. 2

In Part II we turn to culture and its relationship to globalization. However, we hasten to point out that the issues covered in the two parts of the book overlap to some degree and the distinctions made are artificial, at least to a degree. All of the topics covered in Part I have cultural

Introduction to the Book

elements (and this is particularly true of such topics as civilizations, cosmopolitanism, McWorld, and Jihad). Further, there are certainly political and economic aspects to all the cultural concepts covered in Part II. For example, world culture encompasses the idea that the world's polities and economies have increasing cultural commonalities. However, all of the chapters in Part II deal with the issue of the degree to which it is possible to think in terms of a global culture or whether local culture inevitably retains its own distinctive character, even in the face of pressure from a globalized culture. While the concepts covered in this volume are not exhaustive of the major ideas in the study of globalization, they are a good representation of those key ideas. The concepts covered are: civilizations, Orientalism, colonialism, postcolonialism, neoliberalism, structural adjustment, nationstate, transnationalism, world systems, empire, network society and informationalism, world risk society, cosmopolitanism, McWorld and Jihad, creolization, hybridity, localization, McDonaldization, and world culture. In addition, represented in the debates over these concepts are many of the major contributors to our understanding of globalization including Edward Said, Karl Polanyi, David Harvey, Manuel Castells, Samuel Huntington, Immanuel Wallerstein, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Susan Strange, Linda Weiss, Leslie Sklair, William Robinson, Ulrich Beck, Benjamin Barber, Jan Nederveen Pieterse, Ulf Hannerz, Roland Robertson, George Ritzer, Malcolm Waters, and James L. Watson, Overall, then, our belief is that the inclusion of so many major concepts and the work of so many leading contributors to the literature make this a worthy introduction to the field. However, it should be borne in mind that work on these concepts by these figures is presented in the highly dynamic context of the debates that rage about these ideas and thinkers. It is our opinion and hope that this serves to make this anthology not only highly informative, but also a dramatic and interesting introduction to the field of globalization studies.


George Ritzer, Globalization: A Basic Text. Maiden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. For more on this definition see chapter 1 of that book.


See, for example, David Balaam and Michael Veseth, Introduction to International Political Economy, 4th edn. Englewood Cliffs, N J : Prentice-Hall, 2007.

The study of globalization is highly disputatious. Indeed, this entire volume is devoted to at least some of the major conceptual debates in the study of globalization. However, there are even more fundamental debates surrounding the whole issue of globalization. This first chapter of the book contains an essay by Mauro F. Guillen that examines five of the key debates in the field. While he does not include it as one of his debates, Guillen begins with the much discussed issue of just what is globalization. He reviews various definitions as well as proposing his own definition. He points out that globalization is not only a scientific concept but also an ideology with a multitude of meanings. In addition to disagreements over its definition, there is much dispute over just when globalization began. Having in fact covered several debates in his introductory remarks, Guillen turns to what he considers the five key debates: •

Is globalization really happening?

Does globalization produce convergence?

Does globalization undermine the authority of the

• •

nation-state? Is globality different from modernity? Is a global culture in the making?

Guillen closes with some thoughts on what one of the fields covered in this book - sociology (others include political science, international relations, anthropology, economics, literary theory, geography) - has contributed to our understanding of globalization, as well as on the need for further research and more interdisciplinary work on the topic. Several of the debates outlined by Guillen appear later in this book, but the highly disputatious nature of globalization is reflected in the fact that there are many other ongoing arguments in the field. Many of them appear in the following pages, but they represent only a small proportion of the large and growing number of debates in the study of globalization. While the fact of these exchanges does not promise any easy answers to the big issues in the field, it does reflect the field's enormous vibrancy.

Mauro F. Guillen

Is Globalization Civilizing, Destructive or Feeble? A Critique of Five Key Debates in the Social Science Literature Mauro F. Guillen

Introduction Globalization is one of the most contested topics in the social sciences. Observers and theorists of globalization have variously argued that the rapid increase in crossborder economic, social, technological, and cultural exchange is civilizing, destructive, or feeble, to borrow Albert Hirschman's celebrated metaphors. Harold Levitt's "Globalization of Markets" or Kenichi Ohmae's Borderless World promise boundless prosperity and consumer joy as a result of globalization, i.e. the global as civilizing. In sharp contrast to this view, the historian Paul Kennedy warns in Preparing for the Twenty-First Century against our lack of structures to deal with a global world, while political economist Dani Rodrik rings a similar bell of alarm in Has Globalization Gone Too Far? concerning the increasingly free international economic and financial flows. As in the civilizing view, the destructive interpretation regards globalization as leading to convergence, albeit predicting harmful rather than beneficial consequences. Unlike the adherents to either the civilizing or the destructive views of globalization, other scholars, namely, Paul Hirst and Grahame Thompson in Globalization in Question, and Robert Wade in "Globalization and Its Limits", see it as a feeble process that has not yet challenged the nation-state and other fundamental features of the modern world. In this chapter I first define globalization and its timing. Then, I review the main contributions of the various social sciences to research on globalization, with an emphasis on sociological perspectives. I organize the discussion and critique around five key debates or questions: Is globalization really happening? Does it produce convergence? Does it undermine the authority of nation-states? Is globality different from modernity? Is a global culture in the making?

What Is Globalization? Intuitively, globalization is a process fueled by, and resulting in, increasing cross-border flows of goods, services, money, people, information, and culture. Sociologist Anthony Giddens proposes to regard globalization as a decoupling or "distanciation" between space and time, while geographer David Harvey and political scientist James Mittelman observe that globalization entails a "compression" of space and time, a shrinking of the world. Sociologist Manuel Castells emphasizes the informational aspects of the global economy when he defines it as "an economy with the capacity to work as a unit in real time on a planetary scale." In a similar vein, sociologist Gary Gereffi writes about global "commodity chains," whereby production is coordinated on a global scale. Management scholar Stephen Kobrin describes globalization as driven not by foreign trade and investment but by increasing technological scale and information flows. Political scientist Robert Gilpin defines globalization as the "increasing interdependence of national economies in trade, finance, and macroeconomic policy." Sociologist Roland Robertson argues that globalization "refers both to the compression of the world and the intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole." Also sociologist Martin Albrow defines globalization as the "diffusion of practices, values and technology that have an influence on people's lives worldwide." I propose to combine the perspectives of Robertson and Albrow, and so define globalization as a process leading to greater interdependence and mutual awareness (reflexivity) among economic, political, and social units in the world, and among actors in general. Globalization, however, is also an ideology with multiple meanings and lineages. As Cox has observed,

Is G l o b a l i z a t i o n Civilizing, D e s t r u c t i v e or F e e b l e ?

sometimes it appears loosely associated with neoliberalism and with technocratic solutions to economic development and reform. The term also appears linked to cross-border advocacy networks and organizations defending human rights, the environment, women's rights, or world peace. The environmental movement, in particular, has raised the banner of globalism in its struggle for a clean planet, as in its "Think Global, Act Local" slogan. Thus, globalization is often constructed as an impersonal and inevitable force in order to justify certain policies or behaviors, however praiseworthy some of them might be. In a broader historical sense, Mazlish and Robertson cogently argue that not only capitalism or advocacy movements but also Christianity, Islam, and Marxism have made global claims and harbored global pretensions. Hirsch and Fiss document that use of the term "globalization" in the press appears associated with multiple ideological frames of reference, including "financial market," "economic efficiency," "negative effect," and "culture." The start of globalization is also a contested issue. One could argue that globalization begins with the dawn of history. The literature, however, has tended to date the start of globalization more recently in the experience of the West. At one end of the spectrum, historians have noted the importance of the first circumnavigation of the Earth in 1519-21. World-system theorists maintain that the expansion of European capitalism in the sixteenth century marks the start of globalization. Some economic historians point to the turn of the twentieth century as the heyday of international trade and investment before the convulsions of World War I and the Great Depression threw the world into spiraling protectionism. Robertson argues that globalization "took off" between 1875 and 1925 with the "time-zoning of the world and the establishment of the international dateline; the near-global adoption of the Gregorian calendar and the adjustable seven-day week; and the establishment of international telegraphic and signaling codes." Murphy recounts the history of international organizations to foster transportation and communication since 1850. Students of social movements for the abolition of slavery, woman suffrage, or the prohibition of female circumcision argue that the emergence of contemporary transnational advocacy networks can be traced back to the second half of the nineteenth century.

A third group of scholars starts the analysis of globalization at the end of World War II, with the coming of the nuclear age, the emancipation of colonies, the renewed expansion of trade and investment, and the economic rise of Northeast Asia. There is also justification for telling the story of globalization beginning with the unraveling of pax americana in the early 1970s or with the rise of neoliberal ideology in the late 1970s and early 1980s. In a more conceptually informed way, Kobrin distinguishes between the trade and investment linkages of nineteenth-century internationalization and the network and information ties of late twentieth-century globalization. Thus, there is no agreement as to whether it was with Magellan and Mercator, James Watt and Captain Cook, Nixon and Kissinger, or Thatcher and Reagan that globalization started or, to be more precise, that the narrative of globalization ought to begin. Lastly, it should be noted that the English term "globalization" was first used around 1960 in its world-wide sense as opposed to its much older meanings of the global as something spherical, total, or universal. Definitions and timing aside, one of the persistent problems afflicting the study of globalization is that it is far from a uniform, irreversible, and inexorable trend. Rather, globalization is a fragmented, incomplete, discontinuous, contingent, and in many ways contradictory and puzzling process. Table 1 presents economic, financial, social, political, and bibliographical indicators of globalization. The measures are presented for the 1 9 8 0 - 9 8 period not because globalization started in 1980 but rather because of data limitations. Foreign direct (excluding portfolio) investment as a percentage of GDP is 2.5 times greater today than twenty years ago - and nearly four times greater in the developing world. Trade has also grown, although not as fast as foreign investment. Financial globalization has grown fastest: foreign exchange turnover increased tenfold between 1979 and 1997 relative to world GDP, and both cross-border bank credit and assets have increased more than twofold as a percentage of world GDP. Some key indicators of social exchange across borders are also increasing rapidly, including tourism and international telephone calls (see Table 1). International migration, though on the rise, has not reached important levels relative to world population. Also bucking the globalization trend is the growing number

Mauro F. Guillen

of nation-states - from 157 United Nations members

number of international organizations has more than

in 1980 to 184 by 1998. And more ethnic groups than

trebled. Among international advocacy groups, those

ever seem to be reasserting their identities and yearn-


ing to create their own state - Palestinians and Kurds,

Esperanto, women's rights, and world peace have

Basques and Catalans, Scots and Welsh, Tibetans and

grown fastest. And the internet has accelerated cross-

Kashmiris, Corsicans and Québécois. Meanwhile, the

border exchange during the 1990s, although less than


human rights, the


T a b l e 1 Indicators of globalization, 1980-98 Indicators A.







D e v e l o p e d countries, % G D P







Developing countries, % G D P

4.3 —






































Developed countries, % G D P







Developing countries, % G D P












(Video) Globalization explained (explainity® explainer video)




















I n w a r d foreign direct investment stock.


% world GDP

Gross value a d d e d of foreign affiliates.


% world GDP Exports of foreign affiliates, % total w o r l d exports Exports + imports of goods. % w o r l d non-service G D P D e v e l o p e d countries. % non-service G D P Developing countries, % non-service G D P Exports + imports of goods a n d services. % world GDP

B. Financial Daily currency exchange turnover. % world G D P

Cross-border bank credit stock. % world G D P



Cross-border banking assets. % world G D P




C. Social and Political International tourist arrivals. % w o r l d population Stock of international migrants. % world population


International calls, minutes per million $ world G D P

. .

















Internet hosts, number (thousands)


Nation-states w i t h membership in


t h e United Nations International organizations, n u m b e r




Is G l o b a l i z a t i o n Civilizing, D e s t r u c t i v e or F e e b l e ?

Table 1


Indicators D.







Literature on globalization, a n n u a l entries:


Sociological Abstracts












PAIS (Politics a n d International





















Relations) Historical Abstracts Anthropological Literature Books in Print a

Data are for 1979, 1984, 1989, 1995, and 1998.



Data are for 1981,1986,1991, and 1995.



Excludes international calls using cellular phones or private networks.


Data are for 1986,1991,1996, and 1997.


Articles or books with the words "global" or "globalization" in the title, subject heading or abstract.





Sources: World Investment Report; International Trade Statistics Yearbook; UN Statistical Yearbook; Baldwin, R.E., Martin, P. (1999). T w o waves of globalization: superficial similarities, fundamental differences. NBER Work. Pap. Ser. 6904. Cambridge, M A : Natl. Bur Econ. Res.; Tschoegl, A . E . (1998). Country and bank sources of international competitiveness: the case of the foreign exchange market. Work. Pap., W h a r t o n School, Univ. Penn.; Vernon, R. (1998). In the Hurricane's Eye: The Troubled Prospects of Multinational Enterprises. Cambridge, M A : Harvard Univ. Press; Miguel Centeno, Dept. of Sociology, Princeton University; Yearbook of International Organizations; Penn Library Databases.

two or three percent of the population has access to it in most countries except the very rich ones. It is perhaps ironic to observe that the fastest increase among the indicators included in Table 1 does not refer to globalization itself, but to the literature on globalization. As shown in Figure 1, there has been an explosion in the number of articles on globalization published in the economic, sociological, and political literatures. The number of books on globalization has also increased steeply. The historical and anthropological literatures, by contrast, have lagged behind. Among the social sciences, sociology was the first to pay attention to globalization. Sociology journals started to carry large numbers of articles on globalization during the early and mid 1970s, primarily induced by worldsystem theorizing. Some authors have attempted to summarize the literature, and several edited volumes have been compiled. Perhaps the most bewildering feature of the literature is not its sheer size but the

remarkable diversity of authors that have contributed to it, ranging from postmodernist scholars or social theorists who rarely, if ever, engage in empirical research to number-crunching empiricists, politicians, and management consultants.

Five Key Debates The five key debates that I identify in this chapter are not an exhaustive list of issues in the vast and rich literature on globalization. They capture, however, a broad spectrum of social, political, and cultural themes of interest to sociologists and other social scientists. [. . .] One should not assume those on the same side of the fence regarding a particular question actually agree with each other on other issues or that they approach the issue from exactly the same perspective.

M a u r o F. Guillen

Is it really happening? Most of the books and articles discussed in this chapter simply assume that the world is becoming more global, that is, more interrelated. Myriad policymakers, publicists, and academics take it as axiomatic that globalization is in fact happening without supporting their claim with data. Political economist and policymaker Robert Reich, for example, proclaims that "national economies" are disappearing and companies no longer have a nationality; only people do. There are, however, many skeptics. Perhaps the best-documented case for the feeble argument against globalization has been made by Paul

Hirst, an Oxford political scientist with ties to the Labour Party. In a recent book, Hirst and Thompson argue that the globalization trend of the last twenty years has been overstated as a process: it is not unprecedented in world history, they say, and foreign investment and trade are concentrated in the so-called triad - Western Europe, North America, and Japan. In sum, they argue that the economy is becoming more international but not more global. Political scientist Robert Wade echoes these criticisms: the volume of trade is small relative to the size of most economies; domestic investment is greater than foreign investment; multinationals locate most of their assets, owners, top managers, and R&D activities in their home countries;

Is G l o b a l i z a t i o n Civilizing, Destructive or F e e b l e ?

and vast areas of the world have not been affected by globalization, namely, South and Central Asia, and the bulk of Africa. The argument for the feebleness of globalization is useful in that it provides an important corrective to visions and myths of globalization assuming its inevitability and irreversibility. There are, however, two key counterarguments. Regarding the issue of the heterogeneous spread of globalization across the world, Castells correctly observes that the global economy is not meant to encompass the entire Earth. Rather, it comprises only certain segments of activity in both developed and developing countries. The second counterargument is that proponents of the feeble thesis focus almost exclusively on the economic and financial aspects of globalization to the detriment of political, social, and cultural ones. The literature offers and discusses evidence in support of political and cultural globalization that is, on the whole, quite persuasive. In addition, global warming, the AIDS pandemic, and the globalization of the media have heightened our awareness of living in an increasingly interconnected world. In sum, scholars arguing the feebleness of globalization have made a contribution in debunking certain myths and assumptions about a process that has all too often been uncritically reified. However, they are perhaps too wedded to a "monolithic" concept of globalization and oblivious to the notion that globality is a network of relationships that creates mutual awareness.

Does it produce convergence? A second contested issue in the literature on globalization has to do with its consequences as to the convergence of societies toward a uniform pattern of economic, political, and even cultural organization. Most famously expressed in modernization theory, the spread of markets and technology is predicted to cause societies to converge from their preindustrial past, although total homogeneity is deemed unlikely. This line of thinking was advanced during the 1950s and 1960s by both economists and sociologists. Economic historians such as Jeffrey Williamson have documented convergence in income and labor markets during the nineteenth century and first decades of the twentieth. Sociologist Daniel Bell argued for a technologically driven convergence of postindustrial societies.

Further support for the convergence thesis comes from the world-society approach in sociology. In their summaries of an extensive empirical research program on the worldwide spread of educational systems and other forms of state activity, John Meyer and his associates and students argue that the expansion of rationalized state activities has acquired a momentum of its own, largely unaffected by cross-national differences in political structure or economic growth rates. Rather, the diffusion of rationalized systems follows the "exigencies of global social organization whose logic and purposes are built into almost all states." The result is that "the world as a whole shows increasing structural similarities ofform among societies without, however, showing increasing equalities of outcomes among societies". Nation-states are seen as exhibiting convergent structural similarity, although there is a "decoupling between purposes and structure, intentions and results." World-society researchers argue that conformity comes both from the world-culture of rationalized modernity and from domestic groups that make claims on the state following the "consensus" over thé formal acceptance of "matters such as citizen and human rights, the natural world and its scientific investigation, socioeconomic development, and education." They even present evidence to the effect that nationalism and religious fundamentalism "intensify isomorphism more than they resist it." Social and political theorists as well as historians have elaborated a comprehensive critique of the presumed convergent consequences of globalization. Political historian Robert Cox writes that "the social and ethical content of the economy may be organized differently in various parts of the world." Historian Bruce Mazlish argues that "no single global history is anticipated." Sociologist Anthony Giddens adds an interesting twist when asserting that globalization "is a process of uneven development that fragments as it coordinates. [...] The outcome is not necessarily, or even usually, a generalized set of changes acting in a uniform direction, but consists in mutually opposed tendencies." In another book, Giddens elaborates: "Globalization has to be understood as a dialectical phenomenon, in which events at one pole of a distanciated relation often produce divergent or even contrary occurrences at another." In a similar vein, anthropologist Jonathan Friedman asserts that

Mauro F. Guillen

globalization is the product of cultural fragmentation as much as it is the result of modernist homogeneity, and that "what appears as disorganization and often real disorder is not any the less systemic and systematic." These social and political theorists, however, have neither engaged in empirical testing of their propositions nor bothered to look for support in the existing literature. There is, though, a considerable body of empirical research backing the antithesis that globalization produces divergence and diversity or at least does not undermine national policies and institutions. Management scholar John Stopford and political economist Susan Strange document that the increasingly complex interaction between multinationals and states has produced a divergence in outcomes, while Doremus et al. show that differentiated national systems of innovation, trade, and investment remain firmly in place.

markets and, in the presence of free capital mobility, willingly and knowingly accepted higher interest rates to keep capital at home. Students of the varieties of capitalism, mostly political scientists, have long argued that firms and countries pursue different paths of incorporation into the global economy. Thus, German, French, Japanese, and American firms are competitive in the global economy, but rarely in the same industry and market segment. German firms excel at high-quality, engineeringintensive industries such as advanced machine tools, luxury automobiles, and specialty chemicals; French firms at large-scale technical undertakings such as high-speed trains, satellite-launching rockets, or nuclear power; Japanese firms at most categories of assembled goods, namely, household appliances, consumer electronics, and automobiles; and American firms at software, financial services, or biotechnology.

Political scientist Geoffrey Garrett has perhaps contributed the most extensive and solid body of empirical evidence, though it refers mostly to the experience of the advanced industrial democracies. He argues and demonstrates empirically that in the context of a global economy at least two paths are possible for national economic and social policymakers: adherence either to neoclassical economics or to social democratic corporatism. Garrett's analysis refutes simplistic views about convergence, proposing instead to view the balance of left-right political power and labor market institutions as the two key variables in a contingent analysis of economic performance. The best macroeconomic performance is obtained when the two variables are aligned with each other. For example, redistributive and interventionist policies combine with encompassing labor market institutions to produce macroeconomic performance in terms of growth and unemployment that matches or even surpasses the achievements of laissez-faire policies combined with weak labor market institutions. He concludes that there are "enduring cross-national differences" in economic policymaking and engagement of the global economy. In a broader study encompassing over one hundred countries during the 1985-95 period, Garrett finds no convergence in government expenditure patterns as a result of globalization. What has happened over the last decade is that many governments have pursued policies that buffer their citizens from the vagaries of global

Comparative organizational sociologists have also presented qualitative and quantitative evidence to the effect that firms pursue different modes of economic action and adopt different organizational forms depending on the institutional and social structures of their home countries even as globalization increases. Moreover, they have collected data on newly industrialized countries in addition to the most advanced ones. Orrii et al. draw a number of systematic comparisons among East Asian and Western European countries, demonstrating that unique national patterns of organization not only persist over time but also contribute to the international competitiveness of firms. Guillen presents systematic case-study and quantitative evidence demonstrating that firms and labor unions in Argentina, South Korea, and Spain diverged in their patterns of behavior, organizational form, and growth even as their home countries became more integrated with the global economy during the post-World War II period. Taken together, the empirical evidence provided by sociologists and political scientists supports well the case for diversity, or at least resilience, in crossnational patterns in the midst of globalization. It must be admitted, however, that world-society researchers also have a point, and one that is well supported by empirical evidence. The reason behind these seemingly irreconcilable empirical results might be that worldsociety research has made measurements at levels of analysis and abstraction higher than the finer-grained

Is G l o b a l i z a t i o n Civilizing, Destructive or F e e b l e ?

analysis of comparative sociologists and political scientists. It should be noted that some sociologists reject the very terms of the convergence debate by arguing that globalization homogenizes without destroying the local and the particularistic. For example, Viviana Zelizer argues that "the economy [...] differentiates and proliferates culturally in much the same way as other spheres of social life do, without losing national and even international connectedness." Thus, globalization is not seen as precluding or contradicting diversity. Like Zelizer, Robertson sees the global as the "linking of localities." Perhaps the most controversial aspect of the convergence debate has to do with the impact of globalization on inequality across and within countries. The evidence unambiguously indicates that there is today more inequality across countries than ten, twenty, fifty or even one hundred years ago. Stunningly, the gap in per capita income between rich and developing countries has grown five-fold between 1870 and 1990. There are, however, several noteworthy developing countries that have managed to close half or more of the gap since 1960, e.g. South Korea, Taiwan, and Ireland. Very few developing countries, though, have consistently grown faster than the most advanced ones since 1980. Thus, development levels across countries appear not to be converging as a result of globalization. By contrast to cross-national inequality, it is not clear whether increased foreign trade and investment during the last twenty years have resulted in substantially higher wage inequality or unemployment within countries. Wage inequality has risen in most advanced countries during the last three decades. In a review essay, Kapstein presents several counterarguments to the claim that globalization has been the major cause of increased wage polarization, including that trade is too small a percentage of GDP to have a large impact, and that technological change is the ultimate cause of wage polarization. In agreement with Kapstein's reading of the evidence, Baldwin and Martin summarize the empirical literature as follows: "Virtually all studies find some impact of trade on the labor market in both the United States and Europe. The range of findings, however, is wide. Some find that trade accounted for virtually none of the wage gap, while others assigned 100 percent of the gap to trade. The consensus range is

perhaps 10-20 percent." As opposed to wage disparities, overall indicators of income inequality within countries have not increased during the last thirty years, and there is evidence indicating that when countries grow economically and become incorporated into the global economy poverty rates fall. Discussions and calculations of the impact of globalization on wage and income inequality within countries should take into account that while foreign trade and investment are powerful forces, domestic politics and processes still matter. In sum, globalization does not seem to compel governments, firms, and individuals to converge in their patterns of behavior. While this may be regarded as a welcome aspect, it is important to bear in mind that increasing globalization has coincided in time with an exacerbation of income disparities across countries, and that at least part of the greater degree of income and wage inequality within countries is due to increased foreign trade and investment.

Does it undermine the authority of nation-states? A third key issue surrounding the topic of globalization is whether this process has outgrown the governance structures of the international system of states and undermined the authority of the nation-state. For example, economist Raymond Vernon has long argued that the spread of multinational corporations creates "destructive political tensions," and that there is a "need to reestablish balance" between political and economic institutions. Historian Paul Kennedy asserts that governments are losing control, and that globalization erodes the position of labor and developing countries, and degrades the environment. "Today's global society," he writes, "confronts the task of reconciling technological change and economic integration with traditional political structures, national consciousness, social needs, institutional arrangements, and habitual ways of doing things." In a similar vein, Kobrin argues that globalization both challenges the autonomy or independent decision-making of the state and "raises questions about the meaning of sovereignty in its external sense of a system ordered in terms of mutually exclusive territoriality." And Mazlish argues that global history is an attempt to "transcend the nation-state as the focus of history."

Mauro F. Guillen

International relations scholar Yoshikazu Sakamoto and political scientist Robert Cox concur in arguing that globalization generates problems of international governance and reduces the regulatory power of states. For Rodrik, globalization creates social and political tensions within and across nation-states. And political theorist Michael Mosher asks, "is there a successful way of reconciling the boundary transgressing character of markets with the boundary maintaining activities of nation-states?" He further notes that globalization has placed two liberal practices - the liberalism of the market and the liberalism of democratic citizenship on a collision course, raising the dilemma of whether "moral concerns stop at the national border." Sociologists have also joined the chorus of state doomsayers. For Waters, there is an "attenuation of the state," a rise of international organizations, and a trend toward more "fluid" international relations. McMichael also sees a decline of the state. For Albrow, "the nation-state has failed to confine sociality within its boundaries, both territorial and categorical. The sheer increase in cross-national ties, the diversification of modes of personal relationships and the multiplication of forms of social organization demonstrate the autogenic nature of the social and reveal the nation-state as just another timebound form." In a more empirically grounded way, Evans points out that globalization undermines the state because its associated neoliberal ideology is against the state and not because globalization is inextricably against the state. He further argues that the state may stage a comeback if there is a "return of the ideological pendulum," or a transformation of the state and a development of new elements of statesociety synergy. The analysis by British political economist Susan Strange is perhaps the most sophisticated articulation of the position that the international system of nationstates and the nation-state itself are coming under fire in a global world. She writes about the "declining authority of states" and preempts several possible criticisms. First, she notes that state interventionism is on the rise, although in relatively marginal matters. Second, she argues that there are more states in the world, especially after 1989, but that most of the new ones are weak and lack control. Third, she points out that the effectiveness of the East Asian state in orchestrating economic growth was only possible in

a post-World War II order in which protectionism of the domestic market was acceptable and mature technologies were available. She further observes three power shifts in the global world, namely, from weak to strong states, from states to markets, and from labor markets to financial markets, with some power evaporating or dispersing. Not surprisingly, those who argue that globalization is a feeble process also maintain that it can be easily handled by nation-states. For example, Hirst and Thompson and Wade assert that states can cope with globalization, although they have lost some freedom of action, especially concerning financial flows. Feeble proponents, however, are not alone challenging the notion that globalization undermines the nation-state. Macrosociology has long maintained that the global arena is a "playground" for states, where they compete for economic, military, and political supremacy and survival. Thus, the world-system or the international arena, far from threatening states, actually fosters them. Neorealist international relations scholar Robert Gilpin points out that globalization reinforces the importance of domestic policies, as countries engage in regionalization, sectoral protectionism, and mercantilistic competition in response to changes in the international location of economic activities, resulting in a "mixed system," increasingly globalized and at the same time fragmented. A related, though distinct, argument against the presumed loss of state power in the wake of globalization comes from political scientist Leo Panitch. He rightly argues that "today's globalization is authored by states and is primarily about reorganizing rather than bypassing them." Moreover, as Cox observes, "power has shifted not away from the state but within the state, i.e. from industry or labor ministries towards economy ministries and central banks." And sociologist Sean O Riain sees states not as passive pawns but rather as "adapting, whether out of necessity or desire." Another influential social scientist, Saskia Sassen, maintains that the state does not lose significance. Rather, there is a redefinition of the modern features of sovereignty and territoriality, a "denationalizing of national territory." Cox argues that globalization induces a transformation of the state, not its diminution. Stopford and Strange examine the new possibilities for state action in the global economy and conclude that its role has actually become magnified and more

Is G l o b a l i z a t i o n Civilizing, D e s t r u c t i v e or F e e b l e ?

complex. According to most political scientists, therefore, the nation-state is alive and well, and the Westphalian order is unlikely to be replaced by a fragmented, medieval one. A key effect of globalization, however, has been the rise of global cities - New York, London, Miami, Singapore - whose role and stature transcend the nation-state in which they happen to be located. Finally, the world-society view also rejects the claim that globalization undermines nation-states. Noting the expansion of state bureaucracies since World War II, Meyer et al. write that "globalization certainly poses new problems for states, but it also strengthens the world-cultural principle that nation-states are the primary actors charged with identifying and managing those problems on behalf of their societies." This argument is strikingly similar to the one offered by Panitch and Poulantzas. The modern nation-state, world-society scholars conclude, "may have less autonomy than earlier but it clearly has more to do." The question of whether globalization undermines the authority of the nation-state comes best to life when examining the impact of globalization on the viability of the welfare state. Rodrik argues that globalization puts downward pressure on government spending for redistribution and welfare, and that the interaction of trade risk and openness calls for more welfare spending, but governments have trouble finding the money, an argument that Vernon finds persuasive. Stryker summarizes her assessment of the evidence in that globalization places limits on expansionary policies, represents a loss of power for the working class, and causes welfare state retrenchment. According to these social scientists, the challenge is "to engineer a new balance between market and society, one that will continue to unleash the creative energies of private entrepreneurship without eroding the social basis of cooperation". These arguments have become conventional wisdom among neoliberal policymakers and journalists. Gloomy, often unsubstantiated, forecasts about the inability of European welfare states to pay for generous social benefits have become commonplace since the early 1980s. Other political scientists and sociologists, however, see things utterly differently. Political scientist Paul Pierson argues that the welfare state has declined not so much as a result of globalization but because of such

indirect actions of conservative governments as reductions in the revenue base of the state and attacks on the strength of interest groups, especially labor. This is an argument that Fligstein and Gilpin endorse. Garrett empirically demonstrates the viability of social democratic corporatism even with increasing exposure to globalization in the forms of cross-border trade and capital mobility. He also proves that it is possible to win elections with redistributive and interventionist policies, and that better economic performance in terms of GDP growth and unemployment obtains, though with higher inflation than in the laissez-faire countries (United States, Britain). Garrett concludes that "big government is compatible with strong macroeconomic performance" and that markets do not dominate politics. In a direct rebuttal of Rodrik, Garrett analyzes data on more than 100 countries during the 1985-95 period to find that increasing exposure to globalization does not reduce government spending. Political scientist Evelyne Huber and sociologist John Stephens echo Garrett's conclusion that the welfare state is compatible with global capitalism, although they do admit that social democratic policies are today more constrained than in the so-called "golden age" of the 1950s and 1960s. For Garrett, Huber, and Stephens and for Fligstein the welfare state is perfectly viable under conditions of globalization. Moreover, it may be able simultaneously to deliver social well-being and enhance national competitiveness. Thus, they reject the tradeoff that neoliberals see between welfare expenditures and economic competitiveness under conditions of globalization. In spite of the excellent, well-supported research by these authors, however, the debate in the media and among politicians throughout the world remains heavily tilted in favor of those blaming the welfare state for declining competitiveness and various social ills.

Is globality different from modernity? Perhaps the most difficult debate surrounding globalization has to do with whether it is merely a continuation of the trend toward modernity or the beginning of a new era. On one side of the fence, Giddens argues that "modernity is inherently globalizing," and that "globalization [makes] the modes of connection between different social contexts or regions become networked

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across the earth's surface as a whole." This view follows directly from the concept of "disembedding" or "the lifting out" of social relations from local contexts of interaction and their restructuring across time and space," which Giddens considers a prerequisite for modernization. World-society scholarship takes sides with Giddens on this point: globalization results in a "sharing" of modernity across the world. On the other side of the fence, British social theorist Martin Albrow argues that globalization is a "transformation, not a culmination," and the "transition to a new era rather than the apogee of the old." He proposes a stark distinction between modernity as the "imposition of practical rationality upon the rest of the world through the agency of the state and the mechanism of the market, the generation of universal ideas to encompass the diversity of the world," and globality as it restored "the boundlessness of culture and promotes the endless renewability and diversification of cultural expression rather than homogenization or hybridization." Other noted social theorists of globalization also support the same distinction, especially insofar as the modern nation-state is concerned: "The politics of identity substitutes for the politics of nation-building." The debate over the relationship between modernity and globality is a central one for sociologists. If globality is merely the result of an intensification of modernizing trends, then the recent surge in the number of books and articles on this subject can hardly be justified. There is, however, a key theoretical argument to be made in favor of the view that globality is different from modernity. Modernity - like the distorting Mercator projection - is an outgrowth of the Western worldview. For reasons of theoretical consistency, one should reserve the terms "globalization," "global," and "globality" to denote, respectively, processes, qualities, and conditions that are not set into motion or dominated by any one model, paradigm, or worldview. In its broadest sense, globality is about a multiplicity of conceptions, not about cultural or paradigmatic hegemony; it is about the proliferation of crossnational network ties of an economic, political, social, and cultural nature. This criticism is especially germane in the case of authors who consider globalization to be an inevitable and sweeping process - neoliberals and Marxists in particular - as Fligstein has aptly pointed out.

Finally, Kobrin has proposed a distinction between globalization in the late twentieth century and the previous period of modern expansion of the world economy that is useful empirically. The international economy of the nineteenth century "links discrete, mutually exclusive, geographical national markets through cross-border flows of trade and investment." By contrast, the global economy of the late twentieth century is driven by the increasing scale of technology, the surge in cross-border collaboration of firms along the value-added chain, and the cross-border integration of information flows. Thus, globalization has "substantive meaning" because, this time around, "national markets are fused transnational^ rather than linked across borders."

Is a global culture in the making? Perhaps the most popular and controversial of the debates about globalization has to do with the rise of a global culture. Actually, there are only a few scholars who maintain that a global culture is in the making. The idea goes back to Marshall McLuhan's slippery concept of the "global village," later picked up by some influential marketing researchers who argued that the world was becoming increasingly populated by cosmopolitan consumers. Sociologist Leslie Sklair writes that a "culture-ideology of consumerism" - driven by symbols, images, and the aesthetic of the lifestyle and the self-image - has spread throughout the world and is having some momentous effects, including the standardization of tastes and desires, and even the fall of the Soviet order. Other sociologists, however, argue against the homogenizing effects of mass consumerism. Zelizer writes that consumer differentiation should not be confused with segregation and posits that in the US economy differentiation is combined with connection: "the same consumer product can have at the same moment universal and local meaning." Zelizer urges sociologists to distinguish between the phenomenon of worldwide diffusion and the experience at the receiving end, which seems to be growing more diverse even as globalization intensifies. Similarly, anthropologist Arjun Appadurai argues that "individuals and groups seek to annex the global into their own practices of the modern," and that "consumption of the mass media worldwide

Is Globalization Civilizing, Destructive or Feeble?

provokes resistance, irony, selectivity, and, in general, agency. " Using cross-national attitudinal data over the 1981-98 period, Inglehart and Baker find that national cultures and values change over time, though in "pathdependent" rather than convergent ways. Even worldsociety arguments about the "world culture of educated individual choice and responsibility" stop short of announcing a global culture à la McLuhan. However, they do describe world-culture as binding society and individuals together "by rationalized systems of (imperfectly) egalitarian justice and participatory representation, in the economy, polity, culture, and social interaction." Other researchers have found that the spread of the mass media is not enough to account for the rise of cross-border advocacy groups, although "global governance" of major aspects of cross-border communication has been on the rise since 1850. Political and social theorists and historians have noted the rise of what modernists would call "particularistic" identities as evidence against the rise of a global culture. Cox writes about globalization producing a "resurgent affirmation of identities," whereas Waters contrasts a cultural and "religious mosaic" with global cultural production and consumption of music, images, and information. Mazlish notes that "ethnic feeling is a powerful bond," and skeptically asks, "What counterpart can there be on the global level?" Political scientist Deborah Yashar rejects "global culture" and "global citizenship" concepts but also finds fault with the argument that globalization has induced the proliferation of ethnic movements. In her comparison of indigenous movements in Latin America, Yashar clearly demonstrates that no aspect of globalization economic, political, social, or normative - can account for the rise of ethnic-based activism since the 1960s. Rather, globalization changes the characteristics of the state structures that activists face when making their claims. Cross-border migration creates an unusually rich laboratory for assessing the rise of a global culture. Sociologist Alejandro Portes proposes the term "transnational communities" to refer to cross-border networks of immigrants that are " 'neither here nor there' but in both places simultaneously." Different transnational communities, however, exhibit different origins, features, and problems, and they certainly do not form a monolithic global class of cosmopolitan citizens.

Similarly to Portes, Friedman accepts the basic notion of cultural fragmentation proposed by Appadurai, Smith, and Zelizer but argues that in today's world the existence of tribal societies cannot be correctly understood without explaining how they are embedded in global networks. In his view, cultural diversity must be seen in a global context. Some of the most persuasive arguments against the idea of the emergence of a global culture come from anthropologist Clifford Geertz. He observes that the world is "growing both more global and more divided, more thoroughly interconnected and more intricately partitioned at the same time [...] Whatever it is that defines identity in borderless capitalism and the global village it is not deep going agreements on deep going matters, but something more like the recurrence of familiar divisions, persisting arguments, standing threats, the notion that whatever else may happen, the order of difference must be somehow maintained." Like Geertz, sociologist Anthony Smith is skeptical and notes an interesting "initial problem" with the concept of "global culture": "Can we speak of'culture' in the singular? If by 'culture' is meant a collective mode of life, or a repertoire of beliefs, styles, values and symbols, then we can only speak of cultures, never just culture; for a collective mode of life [...] presupposes different modes and repertoires in a universe of modes and repertoires. Hence, the idea of a 'global culture' is a practical impossibility, except in interplanetary terms." The ultimate question about the alleged rise of a global culture has to do with whether a global language is emerging. The diffusion of Esperanto has certainly not delivered on early expectations, and the "Englishas-global-language" argument seems equally far-fetched and indefensible. As Mazlish observes, English "is becoming a sort of lingua franca [but] there are serious limitations to the use of English as the daily language of a global culture." Moreover, English is being challenged as the dominant language in parts of the United States and the United Kingdom. Even on the Internet, fewer than 50 percent of world users know English as a first language, and the proportion is dropping steadily as the new medium diffuses throughout the world. It is also instructive to recall that the most successful world language ever, Latin, evolved into a mosaic of Romance languages after spreading in its various vulgarized

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forms throughout the territory of the Roman Empire. Smith notes that, rather than the emergence of a "global" culture held together by the English language, what we are witnessing is the emergence of "culture areas" - not necessarily at odds or in conflict with each other, as Huntington would have it. Thus, Spanish, Russian, Arabic, French, Kiswahili, and Chinese have become the shared languages of certain groups, communities or population strata across countries located in specific regions of the world, namely, Latin America, the CIS, the Arab world, Subsaharan Africa, East Africa, and South East Asia, respectively.

Toward a Comparative Sociology of Globalization The social science literature on globalization contains important theoretical and empirical disagreements. Scholars have provided very different answers to the five key debates discussed in this chapter. The balance of opinion appears to be tilted, however. Most research either assumes or documents that globalization is indeed happening, and most empirical studies - with the notable exception of the world-society approach - do not find convergence in political, social, or organizational patterns as a result of globalization. The most persuasive empirical work to date indicates that globalization per se neither undermines the nationstate nor erodes the viability of the welfare state. Some empirical evidence also documents that globality is different from modernity. Finally, it seems that no such thing as a global culture is emerging. Relative to the other social sciences, sociology has contributed to the debate over globalization in three important ways. First, social theorists have developed an understanding of the nature and epochal implications of globalization. Although there is no agreement as to whether globalization is a continuation of modernity or not, there is an incipient body of work that outlines in detail what are the main theoretical perspectives and problems. Moreover, sociologists have called attention to the cultural, reflexive, and aesthetic aspects of globalization in addition to its economic and political dimensions. Second, world-society scholars have developed a macrophenomenological approach to globalization and the nation-state based on a sound

institutional theoretical foundation, and they have supported their view with systematic empirical evidence encompassing the entire world. Third, comparative sociologists have theorized about globalization's effects on cross-national difference and similarity. They have also offered empirical evidence in the forms of both rich case studies and quantitative analyses. Sociologists, however, need to continue reading the important contributions that economic historians, management scholars, political scientists, and anthropologists are making to the theoretical and empirical study of such a complex and multifaceted phenomenon as globalization. The analysis and critique presented in this chapter indicate that globalization, far from being a feeble phenomenon, is changing the nature of the world. However, it is neither an invariably civilizing force nor a destructive one. Although further empirical investigation is warranted, there is already enough evidence available to reject either extreme. Globalization is neither a monolithic nor an inevitable phenomenon. Its impact varies across countries, societal sectors, and time. It is contradictory, discontinuous, even haphazard. Therefore, one needs to be open-minded about its unexpected and unintended consequences. One also needs to take into account the role that agency, interest, and resistance play in shaping it. As Pieterse has pointed out, globalization does not necessarily pose a choice between condemnation and celebration. Rather, it begs to be engaged, comprised, given form. The complexity of globalization certainly invites additional research. We are in great need of further theoretical work to clarify the economic, political, cultural, and aesthetic dimensions of globalization and how they interact with each other. We also lack theoretical perspectives that bridge the micro-macro gap, i.e. that move across levels of analysis from the world-system to the nation-state, the industry, sector, community, organization, and group. Many of the empirical disagreements in the literature are primarily due to the various levels of analysis at which different researchers operate. Understanding globalization will require us to gather more and better data about its myriad manifestations, causes, and effects. We still know very little about what exactly causes it and what are its consequences on such key sociological variables as organizational patterns, authority structures, social

Is G l o b a l i z a t i o n Civilizing, D e s t r u c t i v e or F e e b l e ?

inequality, and social movements, to name but a few. And sociologists need to work hard on government agencies and other data-gathering organizations so that they pay more attention in their surveys and censuses to relationships at various levels of aggregation. Given the infancy of our efforts to understand globalization and the complexity of the phenomenon, it seems sensible to ask not only for an intensification of our interdisciplinary awareness but also for a comparative approach to the sociology of globalization. Comparing lies at the heart of the sociological enterprise.

We need to engage in comparative work in the dual sense of using multiple methods of data collection and analysis, and of applying our theoretical and empirical tools to a variety of research settings defined at various levels of analysis. The differences and similarities across such settings ought to give us a handle on the patterns according to which the causes and effects of globalization change from one setting to another. Without a comparative approach, the literature on globalization promises to remain as puzzling and contradictory as the phenomenon itself.





Orientalism, Colonialism, a n d Postcolonialism






Structural A d j u s t m e n t









W o r l d Systems






N e t w o r k Society a n d Informationalism



W o r l d Risk Society a n d Cosmopolitanism



M c W o r l d and Jihad


Political Economy


his first part of the b o o k operates with the view that while the political and the

e c o n o m i c aspects of globalization can be, and often are, separated for analytical

purposes, it makes sense to c o m b i n e them here under the heading of the political

e c o n o m y of globalization. As we will see, in global context, many seemingly political

issues have e c o n o m i c implications, and the same is true in reverse. We begin with civilizations; these are primarily cultural in nature, but all civilizations also have political and e c o n o m i c dimensions. Next, we deal with a set of interrelated ideas - Orientalism, colonialism, and postcolonialism - all of which have both political and e c o n o m i c dimensions and implications (as well as others, especially cultural). T h e highly interrelated ideas of neoliberalism and structural adjustment are generally thought of in e c o n o m i c terms, but all of them also have implications for the state and politics in general. T h e nation-state is obviously political, but from many points of view it is dominated by e c o n o m i c considerations, if not subordinated to e c o n o m i c interests (e.g. in Marxian theory, the state is part of the "superstructure" dominated by the e c o n o m i c "base"). Transnationalism encompasses a n u m b e r of dimensions that bridge the political and e c o n o m i c including transnational corporations, the transnational capitalist class, the culture ideology of consumerism, and the transnational state. World systems involve the e c o n o m i c exploitation of the periphery by the core, but political entities are central to the world system. Empire is a new kind of postmodern global system that certainly involves e c o n o m i c exploitation of the multitude. It is not centered in the nation-state, but is controlled politically by a decentered constitutional system. T h e network society involves new global relationships based on informationalism, and this applies to both e c o n o m i c and political organizations and entities. T h e world risk society is one in which risks stem from both the e c o n o m y and the polity and have an impact on both. Cosmopolitanism involves a broad outlook not limited to the nationstate and its particular political and e c o n o m i c interests. McWorld and the related idea of Jihad b o t h pose a threat to democratic systems and implicitly, therefore, to successful e c o n o m i c systems, given the tendency to associate democracy and capitalism.

One of the most controversial of the theories developed in the post Cold War era is to be found in Samuel Huntington's (1993) The Clash of Civilizations. The central idea is that civilizations, the broadest cultural entities, are shaping patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the post Cold War international system. Huntington identifies several major world civilizations: Western, Confucian, Japanese, Islamic, Hindu, Slavic-Orthodox, Latin American, and possibly African civilization. He states that "In this new world, local politics is the politics of ethnicity; global politics is the politics of civilizations." The past intracivilizational clashes of political ideas, such as liberalism, socialism, anarchism, corporatism, communism, conservatism, Marxism, social democracy, and nationalism, are being replaced by intercivilizational clashes of culture and religion. In the new international order, culturally similar societies tend to cooperate, countries are prone to group themselves around the "core countries" of civilizations, and the relations between civilizations will not be close and will eventually lead to conflict, at least between some of them. Huntington's thesis has been widely criticized for its conceptualization of "civilization"; for failing to differentiate between religion, culture, and civilization; for overlooking the integrative processes of capitalism, globalization, and modernization; for its lack of attention 1

to the importance of nation-states and nationalism; and for its lack of scientific validity. Since it is impossible to present all of the critiques of Huntington's thesis in this part, we present three representative examples in this chapter. Gray points out that Huntington's delineation of seven or eight civilizations is imprecise; this civilizational schema cannot accommodate certain cases. For instance, while Jewish culture is attached to Western civilization, Greek is not. Gray also identifies another major shortcoming of the civilizations thesis by showing that wars are not waged between civilizations. To the contrary, the twentieth century's history of conflicts demonstrates that there were several conflicts, clashes, and wars within the same civilization, as well as alliances between different civilizations. Gray argues that, contrary to Huntington's assumption that cultures create significant splits in international relations, culture by itself is not that powerful a factor. Differing cultural traditions rarely lead to major conflicts between states. It is their interactions with scarcities of resources, rival claims on territory, and conflicting agendas on trade that make cultural differences a source of war. Therefore, the whole idea of civilizational conflict is a "distorting lens" that prevents us from fully understanding "economic rivalries" and "military conflicts." 2


In addition to the problems with the concept of civilization, Gray also criticizes the civilizations thesis for its neglect of globalization and modernization as integrating processes. Gray contends that there is a considerable connection between culture and political economy in that the global economic interdependence of world markets requires constant interaction among cultures. The political climate in which the civilizations thesis was proposed (the end of the Cold War), as well as its political implications, are also underscored by the critics. It is argued that when the Cold War political taxonomy became obsolete, the civilizations thesis provided a convenient political ideology that, among other things, served to hold the Atlantic alliance together in spite of the demise of the threat posed by communism. This is related to the idea that Huntington identifies not only with the Atlantic alliance, but more specifically with the most important player in it, the United States. As a result, he is seen as offering a distinctly American perspective on the world's civilizations. According to Gray, Huntington's perspective "is an attempt to give a theoretical framework to American thinking about foreign policy in a context in which sustaining ideological enmities of the Cold War have vanished." 3

Matlock agrees with Gray's criticisms of Huntington's thesis, arguing that the idea that civilizations are mutually exclusive is misleading. He states that it is difficult to accept the view that each civilization is somehow pure and harmonious when there are numerous examples of conflicts, clashes, and wars within the same civilization. Matlock also criticizes Huntington for endowing civilizations with a reality they do not have. He states that "civilization" is merely a convenient intellectual construct used to establish the boundaries of a field or topic of study. In other words, "civilization" is an intellectual construct rather than an objective reality. Matlock specifically focuses 4

on the difference between culture and civilizations. He argues that Huntington mistakes culture for civilization and lumps cultures into broader civilizations, and this serves to obscure the specifics of cultural differences and similarities. Similarly, Brown questions Huntington's assumption that civilizations are self-contained and impermeable territories. Brown maintains that cultures are dynamic, living organisms that interpenetrate continually. Brown also argues that the physical "fault-lines" between civilizations are not preordained and eternal as Huntington assumes, but rather are man-made and of relatively recent origin. No perspective on globalization has received more attention and more criticism than the clash of civilizations paradigm. Some consider it to be the fundamental view on the state of globalization in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Others see it as completely wrong-headed and even offensive. However, even its most ardent critics would acknowledge that it is an extremely useful perspective, if for no other reason than the fact that attacks on it serve to clarify much about contemporary globalization. Much has been said about the criticisms of the clash of civilizations, but let us close with some thoughts by Huntington himself. Adopting a perspective based on Thomas Kuhn's philosophy of science, Huntington argues that what he has presented is a paradigm, or model, of global relations. As such, it is not enough to criticize his paradigm; it is incumbent on the critics to produce an alternative paradigm, one that better explains global realities today than does his model. When looked at in this way, it could be argued that while the critics may have wounded the clash of civilizations paradigm, they have not been able thus far to produce a better one. The challenge to Huntington's critics, indeed to all students of globalization, is to produce such a paradigm.




The Clash of Civilizations.

New York: Simon and Schuster, 1993, 29. 2

John Gray, "Global Utopias and Clashing Civilizations: Misunderstanding the Present." International Affairs 74, 1, 1998: 159.


Ibid., 157.


Jack F. Matlock, "Can Civilizations Clash?" Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 143, 3, 1999:439.

T h e Clash o f Civilizations?

The Clash of Civilizations? Samuel P. Huntington

The Next Pattern of Conflict

It is my hypothesis that the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will not be primarily ideological or primarily economic. The great divisions among humankind and the dominating source of conflict will be cultural. Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs, but the principal conflicts of global politics will occur between nations and groups of different civilizations. The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics. The fault lines between civilizations will be the battle lines of the future.


The Nature of Civilizations During the Cold War the world was divided into the First, Second and Third Worlds. Those divisions are no longer relevant. It is far more meaningful now to group countries not in terms of their political or economic systems or in terms of their level of economic development but rather in terms of their culture and civilization. What do we mean when we talk of a civilization? A civilization is a cultural entity. Villages, regions, ethnic groups, nationalities, religious groups, all have distinct cultures at different levels of cultural heterogeneity. The culture of a village in southern Italy may be different from that of a village in northern Italy, but both will share in a common Italian culture that distinguishes them from German villages. European communities, in turn, will share cultural features that distinguish them from Arab or Chinese communities. Arabs, Chinese and Westerners, however, are not part of any broader cultural entity. They constitute civilizations.

A civilization is thus the highest cultural grouping of people and the broadest level of cultural identity people have short of that which distinguishes humans from other species. It is defined both by common objective elements, such as language, history, religion, customs, institutions, and by the subjective selfidentification of people. People have levels of identity: a resident of Rome may define himself with varying degrees of intensity as a Roman, an Italian, a Catholic, a Christian, a European, a Westerner. The civilization to which he belongs is the broadest level of identification with which he intensely identifies. People can and do redefine their identities and, as a result, the composition and boundaries of civilizations change. Civilizations may involve a large number of people, as with China ("a civilization pretending to be a state," as Lucian Pye put it), or a very small number of people, such as the Anglophone Caribbean. A civilization may include several nation states, as is the case with Western, Latin American and Arab civilizations, or only one, as is the case with Japanese civilization. Civilizations obviously blend and overlap, and may include subcivilizations. Western civilization has two major variants, European and North American, and Islam has its Arab, Turkic and Malay subdivisions. Civilizations are nonetheless meaningful entities, and while the lines between them are seldom sharp, they are real. Civilizations are dynamic; they rise and fall; they divide and merge. And, as any student of history knows, civilizations disappear and are buried in the sands of time. Westerners tend to think of nation states as the principal actors in global affairs. They have been that, however, for only a few centuries. The broader reaches of human history have been the history of civilizations. In A Study of History, Arnold Toynbee identified 21 major civilizations; only six of them exist in the contemporary world.

Samuel P. Huntington

Why Civilizations will Clash Civilization identity will be increasingly important in the future, and the world will be shaped in large measure by the interactions among seven or eight major civilizations. These include Western, Confucian, Japanese, Islamic, Hindu, Slavic-Orthodox, Latin American and possibly African civilization. The most important conflicts of the future will occur along the cultural fault lines separating these civilizations from one another. Why will this be the case? First, differences among civilizations are not only real; they are basic. Civilizations are differentiated from each other by history, language, culture, tradition and, most important, religion. The people of different civilizations have different views on the relations between God and man, the individual and the group, the citizen and the state, parents and children, husband and wife, as well as differing views of the relative importance of rights and responsibilities, liberty and authority, equality and hierarchy. These differences are the product of centuries. They will not soon disappear. They are far more fundamental than differences among political ideologies and political regimes. Differences do not necessarily mean conflict, and conflict does not necessarily mean violence. Over the centuries, however, differences among civilizations have generated the most prolonged and the most violent conflicts. Second, the world is becoming a smaller place. The interactions between peoples of different civilizations are increasing; these increasing interactions intensify civilization consciousness and awareness of differences between civilizations and commonalities within civilizations. North African immigration to France generates hostility among Frenchmen and at the same time increased receptivity to immigration by "good" European Catholic Poles. Americans react far more negatively to Japanese investment than to larger investments from Canada and European countries. Similarly, as Donald Horowitz has pointed out, "An Ibo may be [...] an Owerri Ibo or an Onitsha Ibo in what was the Eastern region of Nigeria. In Lagos, he is simply an Ibo. In London, he is a Nigerian. In New York, he is an African." The interactions among peoples of different civilizations enhance the civilizationconsciousness of people that, in turn, invigorates

differences and animosities stretching or thought to stretch back deep into history. Third, the processes of economic modernization and social change throughout the world are separating people from longstanding local identities. They also weaken the nation state as a source of identity. In much of the world religion has moved in to fill this gap, often in the form of movements that are labeled "fundamentalist." Such movements are found in Western Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism and Hinduism, as well as in Islam. In most countries and most religions the people active in fundamentalist movements are young, college-educated, middle-class technicians, professionals and business persons. The "unsecularization of the world," George Weigel has remarked, "is one of the dominant social facts of life in the late twentieth century." The revival of religion, "la revanche de Dieu," as Gilles Kepel labeled it, provides a basis for identity and commitment that transcends national boundaries and unites civilizations. Fourth, the growth of civilization-consciousness is enhanced by the dual role of the West. On the one hand, the West is at a peak of power. At the same time, however, and perhaps as a result, a return to the roots phenomenon is occurring among non-Western civilizations. Increasingly one hears references to trends toward a turning inward and "Asianization" in Japan, the end of the Nehru legacy and the "Hinduization" of India, the failure of Western ideas of socialism and nationalism and hence "re-Islamization" of the Middle East, and now a debate over Westernization versus Russianization in Boris Yeltsin's country. A West at the peak of its power confronts non-Wests that increasingly have the desire, the will and the resources to shape the world in non-Western ways. In the past, the elites of non-Western societies were usually the people who were most involved with the West, had been educated at Oxford, the Sorbonne or Sandhurst, and had absorbed Western attitudes and values. At the same time, the populace in non-Western countries often remained deeply imbued with the indigenous culture. Now, however, these relationships are being reversed. A de-Westernization and indigenization of elites is occurring in many non-Western countries at the same time that Western, usually American, cultures, styles and habits become more popular among the mass of the people.

T h e Clash o f Civilizations?

Fifth, cultural characteristics and differences are less mutable and hence less easily compromised and resolved than political and economic ones. In the former Soviet Union, communists can become democrats, the rich can become poor and the poor rich, but Russians cannot become Estonians and Azeris cannot become Armenians. In class and ideological conflicts, the key question was "Which side are you on?" and people could and did choose sides and change sides. In conflicts between civilizations, the question is "What are you?" That is a given that cannot be changed. And as we know, from Bosnia to the Caucasus to the Sudan, the wrong answer to that question can mean a bullet in the head. Even more than ethnicity, religion discriminates sharply and exclusively among people. A person can be half-French and half-Arab and simultaneously even a citizen of two countries. It is more difficult to be half-Catholic and half-Muslim. Finally, economic regionalism is increasing. The proportions of total trade that were intraregional rose between 1980 and 1989 from 51 percent to 59 percent in Europe, 33 percent to 37 percent in East Asia, and 32 percent to 36 percent in North America. The importance of regional economic blocs is likely to continue to increase in the future. On the one hand, successful economic regionalism will reinforce civilization-consciousness. On the other hand, economic regionalism may succeed only when it is rooted in a common civilization.

[...] As people define their identity in ethnic and religious terms, they are likely to see an "us" versus "them" relation existing between themselves and people of different ethnicity or religion. The end of ideologically defined states in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union permits traditional ethnic identities and animosities to come to the fore. Differences in culture and religion create differences over policy issues, ranging from human rights to immigration to trade and commerce to the environment. Geographical propinquity gives rise to conflicting territorial claims from Bosnia to Mindanao. Most important, the efforts of the West to promote its values of democracy and liberalism as universal values, to maintain its military predominance and to advance its economic interests engender countering responses from other civilizations. Decreasingly able to mobilize support and form coalitions on the

basis of ideology, governments and groups will increasingly attempt to mobilize support by appealing to common religion and civilization identity. The clash of civilizations thus occurs at two levels. At the micro-level, adjacent groups along the fault lines between civilizations struggle, often violently, over the control of territory and each other. At the macro-level, states from different civilizations compete for relative military and economic power, struggle over the control of international institutions and third parties, and competitively promote their particular political and religious values.

The Fault Lines between Civilizations The fault lines between civilizations are replacing the political and ideological boundaries of the Cold War as the flash points for crisis and bloodshed. The Cold War began when the Iron Curtain divided Europe politically and ideologically. The Cold War ended with the end of the Iron Curtain. As the ideological division of Europe has disappeared, the cultural division of Europe between Western Christianity, on the one hand, and Orthodox Christianity and Islam, on the other, has reemerged. [...] Conflict along the fault line between Western and Islamic civilizations has been going on for 1,300 years. [..-] This centuries-old military interaction between the West and Islam is unlikely to decline. It could become more virulent. [...] Some openings in Arab political systems have already occurred. The principal beneficiaries of these openings have been Islamist movements. In the Arab world, in short, Western democracy strengthens anti-Western political forces. This may be a passing phenomenon, but it surely complicates relations between Islamic countries and the West. Those relations are also complicated by demography. The spectacular population growth in Arab countries, particularly in North Africa, has led to increased migration to Western Europe. The movement within Western Europe toward minimizing internal boundaries has sharpened political sensitivities with respect to this development. In Italy, France and Germany,

Samuel P. Huntington

racism is increasingly open, and political reactions and violence against Arab and Turkish migrants have become more intense and more widespread since 1990. On both sides the interaction between Islam and the West is seen as a clash of civilizations. [...]

Historically, the other great antagonistic interaction of Arab Islamic civilization has been with the pagan, animist, and now increasingly Christian black peoples to the south. In the past, this antagonism was epitomized in the image of Arab slave dealers and black slaves. It has been reflected in the on-going civil war in the Sudan between Arabs and blacks, the fighting in Chad between Libyan-supported insurgents and the government, the tensions between Orthodox Christians and Muslims in the Horn of Africa, and the political conflicts, recurring riots and communal violence between Muslims and Christians in Nigeria. The modernization of Africa and the spread of Christianity are likely to enhance the probability of violence along this fault line. Symptomatic of the intensification of this conflict was the Pope John Paul II's speech in Khartoum in February 1993 attacking the actions of the Sudan's Islamist government against the Christian minority there. On the northern border of Islam, conflict has increasingly erupted between Orthodox and Muslim peoples, including the carnage of Bosnia and Sarajevo, the simmering violence between Serb and Albanian, the tenuous relations between Bulgarians and their Turkish minority, the violence between Ossetians and Ingush, the unremitting slaughter of each other by Armenians and Azeris, the tense relations between Russians and Muslims in Central Asia, and the deployment of Russian troops to protect Russian interests in the Caucasus and Central Asia. Religion reinforces the revival of ethnic identities and restimulates Russian fears about the security of their southern borders. This concern is well captured by Archie Roosevelt:

Much of Russian history concerns the struggle between the Slavs and the Turkic peoples on their borders, which dates back to the foundation of the Russian state more than a thousand years ago. In the Slavs' millennium-long confrontation with their eastern neighbors lies the key to an understanding not only of Russian history, but Russian character. To understand Russian realities today one has to have a concept of

the great Turkic ethnic group that has preoccupied Russians through the centuries. The conflict of civilizations is deeply rooted elsewhere in Asia. The historic clash between Muslim and Hindu in the subcontinent manifests itself now not only in the rivalry between Pakistan and India but also in intensifying religious strife within India between increasingly militant Hindu groups and India's substantial Muslim minority. The destruction of the Ayodhya mosque in December 1992 brought to the fore the issue of whether India will remain a secular democratic state or become a Hindu one. In East Asia, China has outstanding territorial disputes with most of its neighbors. It has pursued a ruthless policy toward the Buddhist people of Tibet, and it is pursuing an increasingly ruthless policy toward its Turkic-Muslim minority. With the Cold War over, the underlying differences between China and the United States have reasserted themselves in areas such as human rights, trade and weapons proliferation. These differences are unlikely to moderate. A "new cold war," Deng Xaioping reportedly asserted in 1991, is under way between China and America. The same phrase has been applied to the increasingly difficult relations between Japan and the United States. Here cultural difference exacerbates economic conflict. People on each side allege racism on the other, but at least on the American side the antipathies are not racial but cultural. The basic values, attitudes, behavioral patterns of the two societies could hardly be more different. The economic issues between the United States and Europe are no less serious than those between the United States and Japan, but they do not have the same political salience and emotional intensity because the differences between American culture and European culture are so much less than those between American civilization and Japanese civilization. The interactions between civilizations vary greatly in the extent to which they are likely to be characterized by violence. Economic competition clearly predominates between the American and European subcivilizations of the West and between both of them and Japan. On the Eurasian continent, however, the proliferation of ethnic conflict, epitomized at the extreme in "ethnic cleansing," has not been totally random. It has been most frequent and most violent between groups belonging to different civilizations. In Eurasia the great

The Clash of Civilizations?

historic fault lines between civilizations are once more aflame. This is particularly true along the boundaries of the crescent-shaped Islamic bloc of nations from the bulge of Africa to central Asia. Violence also occurs between Muslims, on the one hand, and Orthodox Serbs in the Balkans, Jews in Israel, Hindus in India, Buddhists in Burma and Catholics in the Philippines. Islam has bloody borders. [...]

The West versus the Rest The West is now at an extraordinary peak of power in relation to other civilizations. Its superpower opponent has disappeared from the map. Military conflict among Western states is unthinkable, and Western military power is unrivaled. Apart from Japan, the West faces no economic challenge. It dominates international political and security institutions and with Japan international economic institutions. Global political and security issues are effectively settled by a directorate of the United States, Britain and France, world economic issues by a directorate of the United States, Germany and Japan, all of which maintain extraordinarily close relations with each other to the exclusion of lesser and largely non-Western countries. Decisions made at the UN Security Council or in the International Monetary Fund that reflect the interests of the West are presented to the world as reflecting the desires of the world community. The very phrase "the world community" has become the euphemistic collective noun (replacing "the Free World") to give global legitimacy to actions reflecting the interests of the United States and other Western powers. Through the IMF and other international economic institutions, the West promotes its economic interests and imposes on other nations the economic policies it thinks appropriate. [•-.] The West in effect is using international institutions, military power and economic resources to run the world in ways that will maintain Western predominance, protect Western interests and promote Western political and economic values. That at least is the way in which non-Westerners see the new world, and there is a significant element of truth in their view. Differences in power and struggles

for military, economic and institutional power are thus one source of conflict between the West and other civilizations. Differences in culture, that is basic values and beliefs, are a second source of conflict. V. S. Naipaul has argued that Western civilization is the "universal civilization" that "fits all men." At a superficial level much of Western culture has indeed permeated the rest of the world. At a more basic level, however, Western concepts differ fundamentally from those prevalent in other civilizations. Western ideas of individualism, liberalism, constitutionalism, human rights, equality, liberty, the rule of law, democracy, free markets, the separation of church and state, often have little resonance in Islamic, Confucian, Japanese, Hindu, Buddhist or Orthodox cultures. Western efforts to propagate such ideas produce instead a reaction against "human rights imperialism" and a reaffirmation of indigenous values, as can be seen in the support for religious fundamentalism by the younger generation in non-Western cultures. The very notion that there could be a "universal civilization" is a Western idea, directly at odds with the particularism of most Asian societies and their emphasis on what distinguishes one people from another. Indeed, the author of a review of 100 comparative studies of values in different societies concluded that "the values that are most important in the West are least important worldwide." In the political realm, of course, these differences are most manifest in the efforts of the United States and other Western powers to induce other peoples to adopt Western ideas concerning democracy and human rights. Modern democratic government originated in the West. When it has developed in non-Western societies it has usually been the product of Western colonialism or imposition. The central axis of world politics in the future is likely to be, in Kishore Mahbubani's phrase, the conflict between "the West and the Rest" and the responses of non-Western civilizations to Western power and values. Those responses generally take one or a combination of three forms. At one extreme, non-Western states can, like Burma and North Korea, attempt to pursue a course of isolation, to insulate their societies from penetration or "corruption" by the West, and, in effect, to opt out of participation in the Western-dominated global community. The costs of this course, however, are high, and few states have

Samuel P. Huntington

pursued it exclusively. A second alternative, the equivalent of "band-wagoning" in international relations theory, is to attempt to join the West and accept its values and institutions. The third alternative is to attempt to "balance" the West by developing economic and military power and cooperating with other nonWestern societies against the West, while preserving indigenous values and institutions; in short, to modernize but not to Westernize. [...]

Implications for the West This article does not argue that civilization identities will replace all other identities, that nation states will disappear, that each civilization will become a single coherent political entity, that groups within a civilization will not conflict with and even fight each other. This paper does set forth the hypotheses that differences between civilizations are real and important; civilizationconsciousness is increasing; conflict between civilizations will supplant ideological and other forms of conflict as the dominant global form of conflict; international relations, historically a game played out within Western civilization, will increasingly be de-Westernized and become a game in which non-Western civilizations are actors and not simply objects; successful political, security and economic international institutions are more likely to develop within civilizations than across civilizations; conflicts between groups in different civilizations will be more frequent, more sustained and more violent than conflicts between groups in the same civilization; violent conflicts between groups in different civilizations are the most likely and most dangerous source of escalation that could lead to global wars; the paramount axis of world politics will be the relations between "the West and the Rest"; the elites in some torn non-Western countries will try to make their countries part of the West, but in most cases face major obstacles to accomplishing this; a central focus of conflict for the immediate future will be between the West and several Islamic-Confucian states. This is not to advocate the desirability of conflicts between civilizations. It is to set forth descriptive hypotheses as to what the future may be like. If these are plausible hypotheses, however, it is necessary to consider their implications for Western policy. These

implications should be divided between short-term advantage and long-term accommodation. In the short term it is clearly in the interest of the West to promote greater cooperation and unity within its own civilization, particularly between its European and North American components; to incorporate into the West societies in Eastern Europe and Latin America whose cultures are close to those of the West; to promote and maintain cooperative relations with Russia and Japan; to prevent escalation of local inter-civilization conflicts into major inter-civilization wars; to limit the expansion of the military strength of Confucian and Islamic states; to moderate the reduction of Western military capabilities and maintain military superiority in East and Southwest Asia; to exploit differences and conflicts among Confucian and Islamic states; to support in other civilizations groups sympathetic to Western values and interests; to strengthen international institutions that reflect and legitimate Western interests and values and to promote the involvement of nonWestern states in those institutions. In the longer term other measures would be called for. Western civilization is both Western and modern. Non-Western civilizations have attempted to become modern without becoming Western. To date only Japan has fully succeeded in this quest. Non-Western civilizations will continue to attempt to acquire the wealth, technology, skills, machines and weapons that are part of being modern. They will also attempt to reconcile this modernity with their traditional culture and values. Their economic and military strength relative to the West will increase. Hence the West will increasingly have to accommodate these non-Western modern civilizations whose power approaches that of the West but whose values and interests differ significantly from those of the West. This will require the West to maintain the economic and military power necessary to protect its interests in relation to these civilizations. It will also, however, require the West to develop a more profound understanding of the basic religious and philosophical assumptions underlying other civilizations and the ways in which people in those civilizations see their interests. It will require an effort to identify elements of commonality between Western and other civilizations. For the relevant future, there will be no universal civilization, but instead a world of different civilizations, each of which will have to learn to coexist with the others.

G l o b a l U t o p i a s a n d Clashing Civilizations

Global Utopias and Clashing Civilizations: Misunderstanding the Present John Gray

Huntington makes some acute criticisms of this view. He is right to note that the individualist values embodied in Western understandings of liberal democracy do not command universal assent. They express the ethical life of a few Western societies. They are not authoritative for all cultures. Foreign policies which presuppose an eventual global consensus on liberal values will be ineffectual. This is an incisive criticism of Fukuyama's neo-Wilsonian certainty that Western values are universal; but in arguing that fault-lines between civilizations are the source of war Huntington misunderstands the present as grievously as Fukuyama does. As a result he gives a mistaken diagnosis of both the potential for tragedy and the opportunities for cooperation that our present circumstances contain.

familiar logic of territories and alliances often impels members of the same 'civilization' into enmity and members of different 'civilizations' into making common cause. In the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict, Iran threw in its lot with Christian Armenia, not with Islamic Azerbaijan. The kaleidoscope of shifting alliances in the Balkans tells a similar story. Again, some of this century's decisive conflicts have been 'intra-civilizational'. The Iran-Iraq war and the genocide of Tutsis by Hutus occurred within what Huntington understands as single civilizations. The First World War is commonly, and not inaptly, described as a European civil war. The Korean war and the Vietnam war were conflicts among states all of which justified their claims by reference to 'Western' ideologies. Huntington's typology of civilizations does not map on to the history of twentiethcentury conflict. Moreover, it is an imprecise, even arbitrary taxonomy. What is it that justifies the honorific appellation of'civilization'? Huntington seems to believe that the world today contains somewhere between six and nine civilizations - Sinic (Chinese), Japanese, Hindu, Islamic, Latin American, Buddhist, Orthodox, African, and, of course, Western. Yet he is not altogether confident in this enumeration. He exhibits some doubt as to where Latin America should be placed; after some hesitation he includes the Jews in a sort of appendix to 'Western civilization', while concluding that Greece is no part of it. If one seeks for the criterion Huntington tacitly invokes for identifying a civilization, one soon discovers that it is an artefact of American multiculturalism: for Huntington, a community or a culture qualifies as a civilization if it has established itself as an American minority. Otherwise it does not.

Now, as in the past, wars are commonly waged between (and within) nationalities and ethnicities, not between different civilizations. Whether or not they are waged by the agents of sovereign states, the old,

The narrowly domestic perspective that informs much of Huntington's analysis gives a clue as to its historical provenance. It is an attempt to give a theoretical framework to American thinking about foreign policy


Why Wars Are Not Conflicts among Civilizations Samuel Huntington's thesis of the clash of civilizations is a necessary corrective to a powerful recent trend in thinking about the international system. American foreign policy has long affirmed that the pursuit of peace is linked with the projection of human rights and support for democratic institutions. More recently, a similar view has been adopted by several other Western governments. Never more than one strand in the foreign policy of any country, it is often marginalized by other, more practically immediate considerations. But as an influence on thinking about international relations it is probably stronger today than at any other time.

John Gray

in a context in which the sustaining ideological enmities of the Cold War have vanished. Unfortunately, Huntington's vision tells us more about contemporary American anxieties than it does about the late modern world. Huntington's watchword, 'Western civilization', is a familiar refrain in curricular debates in American universities. It has few points of contact with the world beyond American shores, in which 'Western' supremacy, and indeed the very idea of 'the West', are becoming anachronisms. 'The peoples of the West,' Huntington has warned, 'must hang together, or most assuredly they will hang separately.' This clarion call presupposes that Western civilization - 'the peoples of the West' - can be identified easily and unproblematically. Yet the old and familiar polarities of East and West never had a fixed or simple meaning. During the Cold War, 'the East' meant the Soviet bloc, which was animated by an unequivocally 'Western' ideology; in the Cold War's immediate aftermath, in former Yugoslavia and elsewhere, it came to refer to an older division between Eastern and Western Christianity; now it is being invoked, by Huntington and others, to capture America's relations with China and sections of the Arab world. When Huntington refers to 'Western civilization', he does not invoke an extended family of cultural traditions that has endured for centuries or millennia. He invokes a construction of the Cold War, with few points of leverage on the world that is taking shape around us. Huntington is right to reject the view of the world, propagated by Fukuyama, in which modernization and westernization are one and the same. In many parts of the world, where countries are becoming modern by absorbing new technologies into their indigenous cultures, they are instead divergent developments. For some countries today, westernization of their economies and cultures would mean a step back from the late modern world: not modernization but a retreat from modernity. The project of a global free market that is at present being advanced by many transnational organizations envisages reshaping economic life in every society so that it accords with the practices of a single type of capitalism - the Anglo-Saxon free market. But different kinds of capitalism reflect different cultures. There is no reason to think they will ever converge. Both the

critics of capitalism and its supporters in Western countries have taken for granted that capitalist economies everywhere produce, or express, individualist values. This assumption was reasonable so long as developed market economies were confined to parts of western Europe, North America and the Antipodes. But the link it postulated was an historical accident, not a universal law. The capitalisms of East Asia are not the products of individualist cultures, and there is no reason to think that they will ever engender such cultures. Different patterns of family relations and different religious traditions are not facets of private life, like tastes in ethnic cuisines, without consequences for economic behaviour. They produce radically different market economies. As global markets grow, the world is not being unified by a single economic civilization. It is becoming more plural. The increasing intensity of global competition is often noted; less often perceived is the fact that as competition between different cultures increases the comparative economic advantages of their family structures and religious traditions become more important. It is rather unlikely that the advantage in this competition lies always with highly individualist cultures. What are the economic costs of individualist patterns of family life, in which marriage is valued as a vehicle of self-realization? How does the cultural understanding of childhood as a phase of life exempt from obligations, which is strong in some Western countries, affect educational achievement? In the economic rivalries of the coming century such cultural differences will be central. Contrary to Huntington, however, this does not mean that the world can be divided up into well-defined, static civilizations. The emergence of genuine world markets in many areas of economic life makes continuing interaction among cultures an irreversible global condition. What is new in our current circumstances is the worldwide spread of industrial production and its concomitant, the end of the global hegemony of any Western state. What is not new is conflict over territory, religion and commercial advantage between sovereign states. We must hope that wise policy can avert a rerun of the Great Game in which the world's powers struggled for geostrategic advantage in Central Asia and the Caucasus. But it is great power rivalries for control of oil, not cultural differences among the peoples that

G l o b a l U t o p i a s a n d Clashing Civilizations

inhabit the eight nations of that region, that are likely to pose the most enduring risk to peace for its peoples. Neither economic rivalries nor military conflicts can be understood when viewed through the distorting lens of civilizational conflict. Talk of clashing civilizations is supremely unsuited to a time when cultures - not least the extended family of peoples that Huntington loosely terms 'the West' - are in flux. In so far as such talk shapes the thinking of policy-makers it risks making cultural differences what they have been only rarely in the past - causes of war.

International Relations and Conflicts within Morality Cultural differences can make international conflicts harder to resolve. They may make liberal democratic institutions of the kinds we are familiar with in Western countries unachievable, or even undesirable. That is one reason why I share Huntington's scepticism about foreign policies that aim to make liberal values universal. But the greatest obstacle to such foreign policies does not come from the evident fact of cultural variety. It comes from the awkward truth that even humanly universal values can be rivals in practice. I put aside here the suggestion that all human values are entirely cultural constructions. This once fashionable doctrine of cultural relativism seems to me not worth extended consideration. It may well be true that some goods that are centrally important in Western societies are not universally valuable. That does not mean that all human goods and evils are culturally variable. Personal autonomy, the authorship of one's life by one's own choices, is an urgent and pervasive demand in late modern Western cultures. At the same time, I am unpersuaded that it is a necessary feature of the good life for humans. Most human beings who have ever lived good lives did so without having much of it. Even where having a wide domain of personal options is one of the necessary ingredients of individual wellbeing, it is never the only ingredient. The worth of the options available matters as well. Nor am I convinced that as societies become more modern, personal autonomy is generally accorded a higher value. This seems to be true in the case of Britain, but it is a

mistake to take ourselves as a model for modernization everywhere. Perhaps, as economic and other risks multiply in late modern societies, people will be more willing to trade off portions of their autonomy if they can thereby achieve greater security. To be sure, such trade-offs will sometimes enhance the 'on-balance' value that autonomous choice has for people. In other cases there will be a real conflict of values in which some autonomy is given up for the sake of another good. Compulsory saving for pensions may enhance the worth of personal autonomy on balance over a lifetime; but those who propose restricting freedom of divorce, say, because the stability of family life might thereby be promoted, must recognize that the personal autonomy of marriage partners is being curtailed for the sake of the well-being of children. Every human value has its price in other values with which it can conflict. Those who think, as I do, that the good for humans is not singular but plural, that human values are many not one, will find it hard to be convinced that this conflict should always be resolved in favour of autonomy. Liberal political philosophies that treat personal autonomy as a universal and overriding value are, or should be, controversial. The value of personal autonomy may well be a cultural construction, not something that is grounded in our common human nature. But, precisely because there is a common human nature, it cannot be true of all our values that they are cultural constructions. Consider the chief evils to which human beings are vulnerable. Violent death is everywhere an evil. So is untimely death through malnutrition. Slavery, torture and genocide inflict injuries on their victims that block their chance of living any kind of worthwhile human life. The damage to human well-being wrought by these evils does not vary culturally to any significant extent. One of the central problems of ethical theory, in so far as it applies to international relations, is to determine which values are truly universal and which belong only to particular ways of life. Liberal values derive their hold on contemporary opinion partly from the fact that some of their injunctions - those forbidding torture, slavery and genocide, for example - are plausible components of a universal morality. Nonetheless, to identify the universal content of morality with the injunctions of recent Western liberal thought is a dangerous delusion. The difficult question

J o h n Gray

is what is universal and what local in the morality of liberal regimes. This cannot be profitably discussed in the shop-soiled jargon of an incoherent debate about 'relativism'. Cultural variations in political values do not generate the most serious of the ethical dilemmas that arise in international relations. The hardest question in the ethics of international relations is how to resolve conflicts among goods and bads that are indisputably universal. This is an issue that has been unduly neglected, partly owing to the revival of neo-Wilsonian ideas that attempt to deny its practical importance. Those who maintain that the foreign policies of liberal states should give a high priority to fostering democratic institutions throughout the world not only claim that liberal democracy has universal authority; they claim also that advancing democratic government promotes international stability. We are often reminded that liberal democracies rarely go to war with one another. As a natural, if tenuous inference from that fact, we are encouraged to believe that a world consisting only of liberal democratic regimes will be a world of perpetual peace. In this perspective promoting democracy can never conflict, save perhaps in the shortest term, with the pursuit of peace. I do not think I have caricatured this conventional view. It marks a real correlation when it notes that wars sometimes arise from the domestic needs of tyrannies. Its cardinal defect is that the links that it affirms between peace and democracy are very far from being invariant. In the real world these two values are sometimes rivals. Nor are these conflicts so rare, or so trifling in their consequences, that they serve only to illustrate a limiting case. Consider a state in which populations of disparate nationalities and religious ancestries are held together in a dictatorial regime. Imagine that, for whatever combination of reasons, that regime begins to weaken, and demands for democratic institutions become politically irresistible. If the populations of such a dictatorial regime are territorially concentrated it is reasonable to expect the advance of democratic institutions to go in tandem with the fragmentation of the state. We need not delve deeply into the literature of political science for an explanation. Functioning democracy requires high levels of trust. When populations are divided by memories of historical enmity trust is not

easy to establish. When democratic deliberation concerns issues of life and death it is hard to begin. Where secession seems a real option it is likely to win support in the populations that most fear being overruled in such issues. If such fears predominate, the goal of secessionist movements will be to constitute a state sufficiently homogenous for trust - and thereby democracy - to be feasible. I do not present this abstract scenario as a historical account of the break-up of any state that has ever actually existed. There is nothing inevitable in the process I have outlined, and in any actual historical context a multitude of accidents will play a large, often a decisive part. Yet without a reasonable level of trust democratic institutions cannot be sustained. Perhaps that is one of the reasons why tyrannies can endure: they are able to economize on trust in ways that democracies cannot. When tyrannous states that have in the past been able to economize on trust begin to move towards popular participation in government they tend - if they contain peoples that are geographically concentrated - to become fissiparous. In fortunate circumstances these tendencies may work themselves out peacefully. In many, perhaps most, contexts they incur a risk of war. This is only one illustration of a truth of some practical importance. Even if liberal political morality is universal, applying its principles involves confronting fundamental conflicts of values. Some such conflicts are tragic in that wrong will be done however they are resolved. Advancing democracy does not always foster political stability. Preserving peace does not always coincide with the promotion of human rights. These are not transitory difficulties which we can expect someday to leave behind. They are permanent ethical dilemmas, deeply rooted in conflicts that states will always confront, which will never be fully resolved. Liberal values cannot give definitive guidance in such cases. These are not conflicts between morality and expediency but within morality itself. It is a mistake to think that the most serious ethical conflicts in international relations are conflicts in which the demands of morality collide with considerations of expediency. Such conflicts are doubtless recurring and familiar. But the hardest dilemmas for sovereign states are not conflicts between observing moral principles to which they have committed themselves and promoting the

G l o b a l U t o p i a s a n d Clashing Civilizations

economic interests of their citizens. They are conflicts among the moral principles to which they consider themselves committed. In confronting these inescapable ethical conflicts sovereign states are no different from any other moral agent. Liberal political morality contains few solutions to the conflicts it generates. The goods that liberal principles protect are not always compatible. Promoting one often involves sacrificing others. We all know that the best foreign policies can have consequences that include significant collateral damage. I suggest that collateral damage is sometimes only another name for moral conflicts that are not wholly soluble. Consider the following examples. There is nothing in freedom of political association that is incompatible with strong government. Some states are fortunate enough to enjoy both. At the same time they are goods that do not always complement one another. Punctilious observation of the terms of its ultra-liberal constitution may have been one of the reasons why the Weimar Republic was short-lived. In that case, a weak democratic state was replaced by a genocidal totalitarian regime. Or consider a case from the world today. China has a long history of recurrent state disintegration. The evils flowing from anarchy are not hypothetical; they are a matter of common experience for hundreds of millions of Chinese now living. Memories of the interwar period and, even more, of the Cultural Revolution are widespread and vivid. Any regime which staves off the threat of anarchy in China has a potent source of political legitimacy in that achievement alone. Western opinion-formers who demand swift progress towards liberal democracy in China have not considered with sufficient seriousness the risks to freedom and security posed to ordinary Chinese by state disintegration. Yet preventing those evils of anarchy is a central feature of the liberal political morality that demands universal democracy. This is an ethical conflict that has no complete solution.

Conclusion The Enlightenment thinkers who inspire contemporary liberal thought believed that the ethical conflicts that arise from the incompatibility of universal goods could be overcome: at some future point in human progress the species would be rid of the burden of such tragic dilemmas. That Enlightenment belief is an illusion with disabling effects on thought and policy today. Conflicts among the universal goods and evils recognized by liberal morality are not symptoms of backwardness we can hope someday to have transcended. They are perennial and universal. Viewing the world today through the lens of apocalyptic beliefs about the end of history and 'the West versus the rest' conceals these universal and perennial conflicts. It encourages the hope that the difficult choices and unpleasant trade-offs that have always been necessary in the relations of states will someday be redundant. For that hope there is no rational warrant. A more reasonable aspiration is that by understanding that some conflicts of values are intractable we will be better able to cope with them. There is much that is new in our present circumstances. What they do not contain is relief from the task of thinking our way through difficulties - conflicts of interests and ideals, incompatibilities among the values we hold most dear - that have always beset relations among states. For some, perhaps, this will seem a rather depressing result. Certainly there is nothing in it that is especially novel, or original; and it contains little that will gratify the commendable need for moral hope. But perhaps these are not quite the defects we commonly imagine them to be. The greatest liberal thinker of our time [Isaiah Berlin] was fond of quoting an observation by the American philosopher, C.I. Lewis: 'There is no a priori reason for supposing that the truth, when it is discovered, will necessarily prove interesting'. Nor, I would add, for thinking that it will be particularly comforting.

Jack F. Matlock, Jr

Can Civilizations Clash? Jack F. Matlock, Jr [...]

Questionable Points If we examine Huntington's application of the concept of multiple civilizations (as distinct from his discussion of its definition), we find several features that, upon close examination, seem highly dubious. First, his assumption that there is a high degree of coherence within the civilizations he postulates, which is pervasive in the book despite occasional caveats, is ill founded. The image of civilizations interacting to the point of conflict is that of entities sufficiently close-knit to be independent actors on the global stage. But civilizations, even as Huntington defines them, are not that at all. Pitirim Sorokin's criticism of Arnold Toynbee's concept is relevant.

broadest cultural entities," he then assumes, without any real evidence, that breadth is correlated with intensity of loyalty. Why else would nations with similar cultures tend to cooperate, as he repeatedly asserts, while those with different cultures tend to fight? Why else should a state's "cultural identity" define its place in world politics? Actually, there are at least as many conflicts within the civilizations Huntington postulates as there are between them, probably more, in fact. But even if this were not true, there is no reason to assume that a person's loyalty inevitably expands to encompass an area defined by some scholar as a civilization. Any attachment beyond the nation state is likely to be weak (if recognized at all) except in limited contexts, such as a feeling of religious solidarity.

Is Toynbee's assumption valid? I am afraid it is not: his "civilizations" are not united systems but mere conglomerations of various civilizational objects and phenomena [. . .] united only by special adjacency but not by causal or meaningful bonds.

Third, Huntington states repeatedly, without any convincing evidence, that cultural differentiation is increasing in today's world. This flies in the face of most observations of the impact of modernization, industrialization, and the communications revolution, all global phenomena. Huntington is surely correct when he argues that modernization should not be considered synonymous with "westernization," and also that its progress will not obliterate cultural differences. Let us hope and pray that this is the case, since cultural differences are not only sources of potential conflict; they are also the spice of life. Many differences are benign, even productive, and the variety they contribute to civilization in the singular enriches all mankind.

In practice, Huntington makes the same error Toynbee did in assuming that the many disparate elements that make up his "civilizations" comprise a coherent, interdependent whole. They clearly do not, even if there are more causal relationships among the various elements than Sorokin was willing to admit. Second, while he repeatedly refers to his civilizations as "the broadest level of cultural identity" or "the

Nevertheless, while there is no reason to believe that we are rushing pell mell into some universal culture, it seems perverse to deny that present trends are creating cross-cultural ties and even uniformities that did not exist before. This is particularly true in those important areas of life such as the work people do, their access to information about the world beyond their locality, and the structure of institutions that shape their economic and civic life. Most human beings are in fact

By "civilization" Toynbee means not a mere "field of historical study" but a united system, or the whole, whose parts are connected with one another by causal ties. Therefore, as in any causal system in his "civilization," parts must depend upon one another, upon the whole, and the whole upon its parts [. ..]

C a n Civilizations C l a s h ?

becoming more alike in some parts of their lives, even as they retain and sometimes accentuate their differences in others. I was bemused by many statements in Huntington's book, but none puzzled me more than the following: "Politicians in non-Western societies do not win elections by demonstrating how Western they are. Electoral competition instead stimulates them to fashion what they believe will be the most popular appeals, and those are usually ethnic, nationalist, and religious in character." I can only wonder how Huntington would characterize electoral competition in the West, and where he believes non-Western countries acquired the idea of electing political leaders. I can't find it in the Koran or Confucius. Fourth, despite his extensive discussion of the difference between a culture and a civilization, in practice Huntington uses these words interchangeably in much of his discussion. This leads to repeated confusions, since a conflict sparked or exacerbated by cultural differences may or may not represent a "civilizational" divide. Many of the conflicts in which culture has played a role have been within the civilizations he postulates, and yet we often see a part cited as if it were the whole, an evident logical fault. Furthermore, the concentration on "civilizational" conflict obscures and sometimes totally masks the elements of culture that contribute to conflict. Often, it is cultural similarity, not a difference, that nurtures conflict. Cultures that justify the use of force in disputes with people who are perceived as somehow different are obviously more likely to resort to violence than are those that value accommodation. If two of the first type live in close proximity, the likelihood of conflict would be higher whether or not they belong to different "civilizations." Attributing conflicts to a priori intellectual constructs such as "civilizations" can mislead the observer about the real causes. [•••]

Cultures, Not "Civilizations" Huntington's thesis is not only deficient in predicting the most likely sources of conflict; by lumping cultures into broader civilizations, it obscures what we need to know if we are to understand the implications of

cultural differences and similarities. Francis Fukuyama gives a striking example in his recent book, Trust: The Social Virtues and the Creation of Prosperity. Discussing a boom in small-scale industry in central Italy in the 1970s and 1980s, he points out some cultural similarities with Hong Kong and Taiwan: Though it may seem a stretch to compare Italy with the Confucian culture of Hong Kong and Taiwan, the nature of social capital is similar in certain respects. In parts of Italy and in the Chinese cases, family bonds tend to be stronger than other kinds of bonds not based on kinship, while the strength and number of intermediate associations between state and individual has been relatively low, reflecting a pervasive distrust of people outside the family. The consequences for industrial structure are similar: private sector firms tend to be relatively small and family controlled, while large-scale enterprises need the support of the state to be viable. If we focus only on what Huntington calls "the broadest cultural entities," we lose the ability to detect and analyze specific cultural features that hold true across civilizations. And yet it is precisely such shared features that help us predict how rapidly specific institutions can spread from one culture to another, and what sort of modifications may result from their transplantation.

A Useful Concept Nevertheless The faults I have described raise the question whether the analysis of "civilizations" has any utility at all. If one's goal is to understand the behavior of states and nations, it is clearly more important to understand the culture of these units than to presuppose behavior based on some broader cultural conglomerate. But if we define a "civilization" as simply the subject of an intellectual inquiry, it can be a useful term. As Fernand Braudel put it, "A civilization is first of all a space, a cultural area," and he goes on to say, "Whatever the label, there is a distinct French civilization, a German one, an Italian, an English one, each with its own characteristics and internal contradictions. To study them all together under the heading of Western civilization seems to me to be too simple an approach." Indeed, the broader the grouping, the more relevant detail is lost, and that which is lost may have a greater

Chris B r o w n

effect on behavior than traits held in common. Nevertheless, the extent of the cultural area to be studied is not the main point. There is nothing inherently wrong with looking at "Western civilization," however defined, for common cultural traits, studying how they developed, and examining how they are distributed within the area and how they interact with those of other societies. When used to define the scope of a study, the definition of a "civilization" can be based on any criteria the investigator chooses. Braudel, for example, wrote a magisterial work on the Mediterranean world at the time of Philip II. It does not matter that this work fuses parts of three civilizations as defined by Toynbee or Huntington, since the area had its own coherence, one based on geography rather than religion or politics. As Braudel put it in his preface to the English translation, "I retain the firm conviction that the Turkish Mediterranean lived and breathed with the same rhythms as the Christian, that the whole sea shared a common destiny, a heavy one indeed, with identical problems and general trends if not identical consequences." It is a mistake, however, to treat a hypothetical "civilization" as anything other than a convenient intellectual construct used to establish the boundaries of a field or topic of study. Even Toynbee, who treated his "civilizations" virtually as organisms, noted in his volume of Reconsiderations, " [ I ] f the use of hypotheses is indispensable, it also has at least one besetting danger: 'the habit of treating a mental convenience as if it were an objective thing.'" Unfortunately, Huntington's application of his concept of civilizations is tainted by this habit.

A civilization by any definition is infinitely more complex than, say, a garden. Nevertheless, describing it is in principle no different. Each garden is unique, yet some will have common characteristics not shared by others. Some plants will grow well in some soils and poorly if at all in others. Some plants may take over if moved to a different environment. Some gardens are laid out in a strict geometry; others may be left, in places at least, to resemble wild growth. If the gardener is not careful, the colors of some flowers may clash. Observers can classify gardens, compare them, discuss whether elements harmonize or not. Gardens, like civilizations, can be described, analyzed and interpreted. But one thing is certain. It would be absurd to speak of a "clash of gardens." It is equally absurd to speak of a "clash of civilizations." If the concept were valid, it would provide a useful shortcut to understanding the tensions and potential conflicts in the world. But it is not a shortcut to understanding. Rather, it is a diversion leading to confusion. If we are to understand where future conflict is most likely and how it can best be averted or contained, we must keep our attention on the actors on the international scene: the states, the organized movements, the international alliances and institutions. Their cultures are relevant, but so are other factors such as geographical position, economic and military strength, and membership in or exclusion from international institutions. We gain nothing by lumping cultures into broader conglomerates, and we can be seriously misled if we assume that difference inevitably means hostility. Life, and politics, are not so simple.

History Ends, Worlds Collide Chris Brown It is easy to pick holes in Huntington's work, especially the book-length version of his argument, which, precisely becomes it contains so much more detail is much more open to criticism - broad generalizations which pass muster in the enclosed context of a short

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article are less tolerable when more space is available. Right from the outset his account of 'civilization' is ad hoc and muddled; civilizations are systems of ideas, and, as such, it is difficult to see how they could clash, although individuals and groups claiming to represent these ideas certainly can. Moreover, these systems of

I f N o t Civilizations, W h a t ?

ideas are not now, nor have they ever been, selfcontained or impermeable, a fact that Huntington acknowledges, but the significance of which he, perhaps, underplays. On the other hand, he deserves considerable credit for attempting to break up what was becoming in the early 1990s a rather sterile debate about the post-Cold War world. In his response to critics ' I f Not Civilizations, What?', Huntington suggests that the only alternative models for what he is interested in are the old statist paradigm and a new 'un-real' vision of one world united by globalization; this is to put the matter rather starkly, but there is some justice to this claim. In effect, Huntington is providing a non-statist, but nonetheless realist, account of the world, which is an interesting addition to the conceptual toolkit of contemporary international relations theory. Part of the problem with Huntington's analysis, though, is that, although not statist, it remains spatial/territorial. The prevailing metaphor in that book is that there are physical 'fault-lines' between civilizations. There are two problems with this notion; first, the analysis underplays the extent to which key dividing lines are man-made and recent - in former Yugoslavia, for example, the recurrent crises of the 1990s owe more to the success of Milosevic in mobilizing political support behind the nationalist cause of Greater Serbia than they do to largely spurious ethnic and religious differences, much less historical divides that go back to the Middle Ages or earlier. Such differences and divides certainly exist and have always existed, but their current political significance is the result of contingency rather than some inevitable process. Second, and rather more important, the 'tectonic' notion of civilizations does not recognise sufficiently the extent to which civilizations

are already interpenetrated. The clash of civilizations, in so far as it exists at all, is more likely to take the form of the politics of multiculturalism and recognition in the major cities of the world than violent clashes on the so-called 'fault-lines'; policing problems in London are, thankfully, more characteristic of this politics than ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, horrifying though the latter maybe. [...] This set of choices does indeed convey some sense of what is going on but on the whole it obscures more than it illuminates. What is particularly damaging about the way in which these oppositions are set up is that they tend to define the most important questions about the future in terms of a choice between universalism and particularism, with the underlying assumption that the former is the progressive option, while the latter, though possibly unavoidable, is regressive and not to be desired.

[...] Equally, whether 'civilizations' clash along particular fault-lines is going to depend on how the inhabitants of those key areas, and their neighbours, near and far, choose to define themselves or allow political entrepreneurs to define them, and this is a political process, not one that follows a cultural recipe book. More generally, the future of globalization will be a product of political practice rather than cultural or economic theory. In short, one way or another, the major questions about the future of world order which this article has addressed will be answered in the years to come, but they will not necessarily be answered in their own terms; the contingencies of political power may have the last word, as so often in the past.

If Not Civilizations, What? Paradigms of the Post-Cold War World Samuel P. Huntington When people think seriously, they think abstractly; they conjure up simplified pictures of reality called

concepts, theories, models, paradigms. Without such intellectual constructs, there is, William James said,

S a m u e l P. Huntington

only "a bloomin' buzzin' confusion." Intellectual and scientific advance, as Thomas Kuhn showed in his classic The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, consists of the displacement of one paradigm, which has become increasingly incapable of explaining new or newly discovered facts, by a new paradigm that accounts for those facts in a more satisfactory fashion. "To be accepted as a paradigm," Kuhn wrote, "a theory must seem better than its competitors, but it need not, and in fact never does, explain all the facts with which it can be confronted." For 40 years students and practitioners of international relations thought and acted in terms of a highly simplified but very useful picture of world affairs, the Cold War paradigm. The world was divided between one group of relatively wealthy and mostly democratic societies, led by the United States, engaged in a pervasive ideological, political, economic, and, at times, military conflict with another group of somewhat poorer, communist societies led by the Soviet Union. Much of this conflict occurred in the Third World outside of these two camps, composed of countries which often were poor, lacked political stability, were recently independent and claimed to be nonaligned. The Cold War paradigm could not account for everything that went on in world politics. There were many anomalies, to use Kuhn's term, and at times the paradigm blinded scholars and statesmen to major developments, such as the Sino-Soviet split. Yet as a simple model of global politics, it accounted for more important phenomena than any of its rivals; it was an indispensable starting point for thinking about international affairs; it came to be almost universally accepted; and it shaped thinking about world politics for two generations. The dramatic events of the past five years have made that paradigm intellectual history. There is clearly a need for a new model that will help us to order and to understand central developments in world politics. What is the best simple map of the post-Cold War world?

A Map of the New World "The Clash of Civilizations?" is an effort to lay out elements of a post-Cold War paradigm. As with any paradigm, there is much the civilization paradigm

does not account for, and critics will have no trouble citing events - even important events like Iraq's invasion of Kuwait - that it does not explain and would not have predicted (although it would have predicted the evaporation of the anti-Iraq coalition after March 1991). Yet, as Kuhn demonstrates, anomalous events do not falsify a paradigm. A paradigm is disproved only by the creation of an alternative paradigm that accounts for more crucial facts in equally simple or simpler terms (that is, at a comparable level of intellectual abstraction; a more complex theory can always account for more things than a more parsimonious theory). The debates the civilizational paradigm has generated around the world show that, in some measure, it strikes home; it either accords with reality as people see it or it comes close enough so that people who do not accept it have to attack it. What groupings of countries will be most important in world affairs and most relevant to understanding and making sense of global politics? Countries no longer belong to the Free World, the communist bloc, or the Third World. Simple two-way divisions of countries into rich and poor or democratic and nondemocratic may help some but not all that much. Global politics are now too complex to be stuffed into two pigeonholes. For reasons outlined in the original article, civilizations are the natural successors to the three worlds of the Cold War. At the macro level world politics are likely to involve conflicts and shifting power balances of states from different civilizations, and at the micro level the most violent, prolonged and dangerous (because of the possibility of escalation) conflicts are likely to be between states and groups from different civilizations. As the article pointed out, this civilization paradigm accounts for many important developments in international affairs in recent years, including the breakup of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, the wars going on in their former territories, the rise of religious fundamentalism throughout the world, the struggles within Russia, Turkey and Mexico over their identity, the intensity of the trade conflicts between the United States and Japan, the resistance of Islamic states to Western pressure on Iraq and Libya, the efforts of Islamic and Confucian states to acquire nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them, China's continuing role as an "outsider" great power, the consolidation of new democratic regimes

I f N o t Civilizations, W h a t ?

in some countries and not in others, and the escalating arms race in East Asia. [...]

America Undone? One function of a paradigm is to highlight what is important (e.g., the potential for escalation in clashes between groups from different civilizations); another is to place familiar phenomena in a new perspective. In this respect, the civilizational paradigm may have implications for the United States. Countries like the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia that bestride civilizational fault lines tend to come apart. The unity of the United States has historically rested on the twin bedrocks of European culture and political democracy. These have been essentials of America to which generations of immigrants have assimilated. The essence of the American creed has been equal rights for the individual, and historically immigrant and outcast groups have invoked and thereby reinvigorated the principles of the creed in their struggles for equal treatment in American society. The most notable and successful effort was the civil rights movement led by Martin Luther King, Jr, in the 1950s and 1960s. Subsequently, however, the demand shifted from equal rights for individuals to special rights (affirmative action and similar measures) for blacks and other groups. Such claims run directly counter to the underlying principles that have been the basis of American political unity; they reject the idea of a "color-blind" society of equal individuals and instead promote a "color-conscious" society with government-sanctioned privileges for some groups. In a parallel movement, intellectuals and politicians began to push the ideology of "multiculturalism," and to insist on the rewriting of American political, social, and literary history from the viewpoint of non-European groups. At the extreme, this movement tends to elevate obscure leaders of minority groups to a level of importance equal to that of the Founding Fathers. Both the demands for special group rights and for multiculturalism encourage a clash of civilizations within the United States and encourage what Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr, terms "the disuniting of America." The United States is becoming increasingly diverse ethnically and racially. The Census Bureau estimates

that by 2050 the American population will be 23 percent Hispanic, 16 percent black and 10 percent AsianAmerican. In the past the United States has successfully absorbed millions of immigrants from scores of countries because they adapted to the prevailing European culture and enthusiastically embraced the American Creed of liberty, equality, individualism, democracy. Will this pattern continue to prevail as 50 percent of the population becomes Hispanic or nonwhite? Will the new immigrants be assimilated into the hitherto dominant European culture of the United States? If they are not, if the United States becomes truly multicultural and pervaded with an internal clash of civilizations, will it survive as a liberal democracy? The political identity of the United States is rooted in the principles articulated in its founding documents. Will the de-Westernization of the United States, if it occurs, also mean its de-Americanization? If it does and Americans cease to adhere to their liberal democratic and European-rooted political ideology, the United States as we have known it will cease to exist and will follow the other ideologically defined superpower onto the ash heap of history.

Got a Better Idea? A civilizational approach explains much and orders much of the "bloomin' buzzin' confusion" of the postCold War world, which is why it has attracted so much attention and generated so much debate around the world. Can any other paradigm do better? If not civilizations, what? The responses in Foreign Affairs to my article did not provide any compelling alternative picture of the world. At best they suggested one pseudo-alternative and one unreal alternative. The pseudo-alternative is a statist paradigm that constructs a totally irrelevant and artificial opposition between states and civilizations: "Civilizations do not control states," says Fouad Ajami, "states control civilizations." But it is meaningless to talk about states and civilizations in terms of "control." States, of course, try to balance power, but if that is all they did, West European countries would have coalesced with the Soviet Union against the United States in the late 1940s. States respond primarily to perceived threats, and the West European states then saw a political and


S a m u e l P. Huntington

ideological threat from the East. As my original article argued, civilizations are composed of one or more states, and "Nation states will remain the most powerful actors in world affairs." Just as nation states generally belonged to one of three worlds in the Cold War, they also belong to civilizations. With the demise of the three worlds, nation states increasingly define their identity and their interests in civilizational terms, and West European peoples and states now see a cultural threat from the South replacing the ideological threat from the East. We do not live in a world of countries characterized by the "solitude of states" (to use Ajami's phrase) with no connections between them. Our world is one of overlapping groupings of states brought together in varying degrees by history, culture, religion, language, location and institutions. At the broadest level these groupings are civilizations. To deny their existence is to deny the basic realities of human existence. The unreal alternative is the one-world paradigm that a universal civilization now exists or is likely to exist in the coming years. Obviously people now have and for millennia have had common characteristics that distinguish humans from other species. These characteristics have always been compatible with the existence of very different cultures. The argument that a universal culture or civilization is now emerging takes various forms, none of which withstands even passing scrutiny. First, there is the argument that the collapse of Soviet communism means the end of history and the universal victory of liberal democracy throughout the world. This argument suffers from the Single Alternative Fallacy. It is rooted in the Cold War assumption that the only alternative to communism is liberal democracy and that the demise of the first produces the universality of the second. Obviously, however, there are many forms of authoritarianism, nationalism, corporatism and market communism (as in China) that are alive and well in today's world. More significantly, there are all the religious alternatives that lie outside the world that is perceived in terms of secular ideologies. In the modern world, religion is a central, perhaps the central, force that motivates and mobilizes people. It is sheer hubris to think that because Soviet communism has collapsed the West has won the world for all time.

Second, there is the assumption that increased interaction - greater communication and transportation produces a common culture. In some circumstances this may be the case. But wars occur most frequently between societies with high levels of interaction, and interaction frequently reinforces existing identities and produces resistance, reaction and confrontation. Third, there is the assumption that modernization and economic development have a homogenizing effect and produce a common modern culture closely resembling that which has existed in the West in this century. Clearly, modern urban, literate, wealthy, industrialized societies do share cultural traits that distinguish them from backward, rural, poor, undeveloped societies. In the contemporary world most modern societies have been Western societies. But modernization does not equal Westernization. Japan, Singapore and Saudi Arabia are modern, prosperous societies but they clearly are non-Western. The presumption of Westerners that other peoples who modernize must become "like us" is a bit of Western arrogance that in itself illustrates the clash of civilizations. To argue that Slovenes and Serbs, Arabs and Jews, Hindus and Muslims, Russians and Tajiks, Tamils and Sinhalese, Tibetans and Chinese, Japanese and Americans all belong to a single Western-defined universal civilization is to fly in the face of reality. A universal civilization can only be the product of universal power. Roman power created a nearuniversal civilization within the limited confines of the ancient world. Western power in the form of European colonialism in the nineteenth century and American hegemony in the twentieth century extended Western culture throughout much of the contemporary world. European colonialism is over; American hegemony is receding. The erosion of Western culture follows, as indigenous, historically rooted mores, languages, beliefs and institutions reassert themselves. Amazingly, Ajami cites India as evidence of the sweeping power of Western modernity. "India," he says, "will not become a Hindu state. The inheritance of Indian secularism will hold." Maybe it will, but certainly the overwhelming trend is away from Nehru's vision of a secular, socialist, Western, parliamentary democracy to a society shaped by Hindu fundamentalism. In India, Ajami goes on to say, "The vast middle class will defend it [secularism], keep the order intact

I f N o t Civilizations, W h a t ?

to maintain India's - and its own - place in the modern world of nations." Really? A long New York Times (September 23, 1993) story on this subject begins: "Slowly, gradually, but with the relentlessness of floodwaters, a growing Hindu rage toward India's Muslim minority has been spreading among India's solid middle class Hindus - its merchants and accountants, its lawyers and engineers - creating uncertainty about the future ability of adherents of the two religions to get along." An op-ed piece in the Times (August 3, 1993) by an Indian journalist also highlights the role of the middle class: "The most disturbing development is the increasing number of senior civil servants, intellectuals, and journalists who have begun to talk the language of Hindu fundamentalism, protesting that religious minorities, particularly the Muslims, have pushed them beyond the limits of patience." This author, Khushwant Singh, concludes sadly that while India may retain a secular facade, India "will no longer be the India we have known over the past 47 years" and "the spirit within will be that of militant Hinduism." In India, as in other societies, fundamentalism is on the rise and is largely a middle class phenomenon. The decline of Western power will be followed, and is beginning to be followed, by the retreat of Western culture. The rapidly increasing economic power of East Asian states will, as Kishore Mahbubani asserted, lead to increasing military power, political influence and cultural assertiveness. A colleague of his has elaborated this warning with respect to human rights: [Ejfforts to promote human rights in Asia must also reckon with the altered distribution of power in the post-Cold War world [...] Western leverage over East and Southeast Asia has been greatly reduced [...] There is far less scope for conditionality and sanctions to force compliance with human rights [...] For the first time since the Universal Declaration [on Human Rights] was adopted in 1948, countries not thoroughly steeped in the Judeo-Christian and natural law traditions are in the first rank: That unprecedented situation will define the new international politics of human rights. It will also multiply the occasions for conflict [...] Economic success has engendered a greater cultural self-confidence. Whatever their differences, East and Southeast Asian countries are increasingly conscious of their own civilizations and tend to locate the

sources of their economic success in their own distinctive traditions and institutions. The self-congratulatory, simplistic, and sanctimonious tone of much Western commentary at the end of the Cold War and the current triumphalism of Western values grate on East and Southeast Asians. Language is, of course, central to culture, and Ajami and Robert Bartley both cite the widespread use of English as evidence for the universality of Western culture (although Ajami's fictional example dates from 1900). Is, however, use of English increasing or decreasing in relation to other languages? In India, Africa and elsewhere, indigenous languages have been replacing those of the colonial rulers. Even as Ajami and Bartley were penning their comments, Newsweek ran an article entitled "English Not Spoken Here Much Anymore" on Chinese replacing English as the lingua franca of Hong Kong. In a parallel development, Serbs now call their language Serbian, not Serbo-Croatian, and write it in the Cyrillic script of their Russian kinsmen, not in the Western script of their Catholic enemies. At the same time, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have shifted from the Cyrillic script of their former Russian masters to the Western script of their Turkish kinsmen. On the language front, Babelization prevails over universalization and further evidences the rise of civilization identity.

Culture Is To Die For Wherever one turns, the world is at odds with itself. If differences in civilization are not responsible for these conflicts, what is? The critics of the civilization paradigm have not produced a better explanation for what is going on in the world. The civilizational paradigm, in contrast, strikes a responsive chord throughout the world. In Asia, as one US ambassador reported, it is "spreading like wildfire." In Europe, European Community President Jacques Delors explicitly endorsed its argument that "future conflicts will be sparked by cultural factors rather than economics or ideology" and warned, "The West needs to develop a deeper understanding of the religious and philosophical assumptions underlying other civilizations, and the way other nations see their interests, to

Samuel P. Huntington

identify what we have in common." Muslims, in turn, have seen "the clash" as providing recognition and, in some degree, legitimation for the distinctiveness of their own civilization and its independence from the West. That civilizations are meaningful entities accords with the way in which people see and experience reality. History has not ended. The world is not one. Civilizations unite and divide humankind. The forces making for clashes between civilizations can be contained only if they are recognized. In a "world of

different civilizations," as my article concluded, each "will have to learn to coexist with the others." What ultimately counts for people is not political ideology or economic interest. Faith and family, blood and belief, are what people identify with and what they will fight and die for. And that is why the clash of civilizations is replacing the Cold War as the central phenomenon of global politics, and why a civilizational paradigm provides, better than any alternative, a useful starting point for understanding and coping with the changes going on in the world.

This chapter is concerned primarily with a topic, Orientalism, with roots in literary theory, but it also permits us to deal, at least briefly, with several other ideas closely related to globalization including colonialism and postcolonialism. Literary theory involves, as its name suggests, studying, thinking about, and theorizing some body of literature. In the case of globalization, the most relevant body of literary theory involves the study of literature that was produced in, or is about, the experience of people who once lived in areas that were colonized, usually by the major Western powers (especially Britain). This literature is usually categorized under the heading of postcolonialism, or "a systematic discourse dedicated to investigating, analyzing, and deconstructing structures of knowledge, ideologies, power relations, and social identities that have been authored by and authorized by the imperial West in ruling and representing the non-West over the past 500 years." 1


Edward Said's Orientalism is "the founding document of post-colonial thought." While it was not written with the idea of globalization in mind, and was written before the current era of globalization, it has powerful implications for contemporary thinking on globalization. Orientalism has several interrelated meanings for Said. First, it is an area of academic interest (a discipline) 3

with schools of "Oriental Studies." Thus, "the Orient was a scholar's word." Second, it is a "style of thought based upon an ontological and epistemological distinction made between 'the Orient' and (most of the time) 'the Occident.'" Third, and perhaps most importantly, Orientalism is a Western discourse "for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient." It was the basis for the ways in which European culture "was able to manage - and even produce - the Orient politically, sociologically, militarily, ideologically, scientifically, and imaginatively." 4




Orientalism was (and still is) a diverse cultural enterprise that included, among other things: The imagination itself, the whole of India and the Levant, the Biblical texts and the Biblical lands, the spice trade, colonial armies and the long tradition of colonial administrators, a formidable scholarly corpus, innumerable Oriental "experts" and "hands," an Oriental professorate, a complex array of "Oriental" ideas (Oriental despotism, Oriental splendor, cruelty, sensuality), many Eastern sects, philosophies and wisdoms domesticated for local European use. 8

In spite of this diversity, and although it is far more than just ideas/discourse, Orientalism is primarily a set of ideas expressed in a specific discourse. Following

Orientalism, Colonialism, and Postcolonialism

Michel Foucault (and Friedrich Nietzsche), knowledge cannot be divorced from power; and it was to a large degree as a result of Orientalism that Europe and the West more generally were able to exercise power over the East. To get at Orientalism as ideas/discourse, Said examines a variety of "texts" including not only scholarly works on the topic "but also works of literature, political tracts, journalistic texts, travel books, religious and philological studies." The Orient that emerges from these texts "is less a place than a topos, a set of references, a congeries of characteristics, that seems to have its origin in a quotation, or a fragment of a text, or a citation from someone's work on the Orient, or some bit of previous imagining, or an amalgam of all of these." The ideas associated with Orientalism are largely repeatedly reproduced fictions (although they are not totally false) that are rarely, if ever, based on observation, let alone careful empirical study. 9


Said's basic problem with Orientalism, aside from its disastrous effects on those labeled Orientals, is that it is an idea characterized by biases, ignorance, lack of knowledge, stereotypes, standardized views, and fictions. Orientalism reflects the power of the West and has little to do with the realities of life in the Orient. Negative stereotypes of Orientals abounded and they were shaped by Westerners' stereotypes of themselves. Westerners produced biased and limited "texts" about the Orient and it was those texts, and not life as it really existed in the Orient, which came to be considered the basis of the "truth" about the Orient. There are a variety of intellectual problems with Orientalism that result from it "disregarding, essentializing, denuding the humanity of another culture." People in the Orient were not discussed in individual or humanistic terms, but rather in collective or abstract terms. Furthermore, the view of the Orient has remained more or less the same in terms of both time and place for those in the West who think about, analyze, manage, and seek to subdue it. It is as if nothing has changed, or will ever change, in the Orient. More generally, Said argues that: "The West is the spectator, the judge and jury, of every facet of Oriental behavior." Knowledge of the Orient, often unchanged over great stretches of time, was accumulated in the West, and this was closely related to the accumulation of both the people and the territories of the Orient by the West. 11


Said reserves his most scathing indictment for Orientalism as it relates to Islam. It is characterized by its "retrogressive position when compared with the other human sciences (and even with the other branches of Orientalism), its general methodological and ideological backwardness, and its comparative insularity from developments both in the other humanities and in the real world of historical, economic, social and political circumstances." 13

Orientalism was, and still is, a highly influential book, but it is also one that has been subjected to many criticisms. Sadik Jalal al-'Azm offers several of the most important of these criticisms. For one thing, Said is seen as not restricting his analysis to the modern world, but tracing Orientalism back to the ancient Greeks and then up to, and including, the work of Karl Marx. The problem with this is that instead of being a product of a particular history, Orientalism tends to become essentialistic. That is, Said's work "simply lends strength to the essentialistic categories of'Orient' and 'Occident,' representing the ineradicable distinction between East and West, which Edward's [Said's] book is ostensibly set on demolishing." 14

Perhaps a more important criticism is that Said gives literature, and culture more generally, too much power. He seems to suggest that they are the "real source of the West's political interest in the Orient." Downplayed in all of this are the political and material interests in the West in conquering and controlling the Orient. Thus, for example, France and Britain were interested in controlling the Suez Canal not because of "Orientalism," but because of the political, military, and economic advantages such control gave them. As al-'Azm puts it: " I f Academic Orientalism transmutes the reality of the Orient into the stuff of texts . . . then it would seem that Said sublimates the earthly realities of the Occident's interaction with the Orient into the ethereal stuff of the spirit." 15


Rattansi puts Orientalism in the context of the postcolonial studies that it played a central role in creating. On the one hand, postcolonialism refers to a time period after the period of colonialism, that is after the colonies of the Western imperial powers gained their independence. (Colonialism is the creation by a colonial power of an administrative apparatus in the country or geographic area that has been colonized in order to run its internal affairs, including its settlements.)

Orientalism, Colonialism, and Postcolonialism

On the other hand, postcolonialism is a "distinctive form of theorization and analysis" that is not restricted to that time period or to those particular places. Thus, Rattansi seeks to distinguish between postcolonialism as a type of intellectual inquiry and postcoloniality as historical epochs. What is crucial about postcolonialism, i.e., postcolonial studies, is that they involve "the investigation of the mutually constitutive role played by colonizer and colonized... in forming... the identities of both the dominant power and the subalterns involved in the imperial and colonial projects of the 'West. " " It is in this context that Rattansi argues that Orientalism can be seen as "the founding text of modern postcolonialist studies." 17



Rattansi examines some key works in postcolonial studies. A first set deals with the mutual constitution of identities between colonizer and colonized. A second is concerned with the ambivalence surrounding the relationship between colonizer and colonized, as well as the resistance that arises, at least in part, out of the instabilities in that relationship. Rattansi also examines the relationship between the colonial/postcolonial and a series of related ideas such as the imperial/postimperial, the neocolonial, and the anticolonial. Most importantly for our purposes, Rattansi looks at the relationship between the idea of globalization (referring, in this case, to the general process of time-space compression) and postcolonialism. He concludes that the concept of postcolonialism remains useful because it reminds us that "imperial expansion and colonialism were key constitutive features, and indeed set both globalization and Western capitalism in motion and acted as continual fuelling forces." 20

Rattansi closes with a rejection of the idea that postcolonial studies are restricted to those done by scholars associated with the former colonizers; instead he argues that such studies have become a truly international enterprise. He rejects the idea that postcolonial studies have ignored material forces such as Western capitalism. However, Rattansi also expresses reservations about postcolonial studies, including the work of

Said. For example, he worries about the fact that this critical work fails to put forward an alternative vision of the future to that of the Orientalists and the colonialists. In spite of the fact that postcolonial studies have their weaknesses, they represent an important new body of work. We close this chapter with Peter Marcuse's effort to relate Orientalism to today's world, especially globalization. More specifically, Marcuse seeks to relate Orientalism to what he calls "globalism." While " 'Orientalism' was used to describe and categorize a specific geographic region, its people and its culture," "globalism" is employed "to suggest the way in which specific real processes at the international level, often lumped together under the term globalization, are discussed and portrayed in academic and popular circles." Globalism is a specific view of globalization held by governments, scholars, and intellectuals. In this view, globalization tends to be seen as something new, dominant, involving a process free of individual choice, inevitable, and largely beneficial. As Marcuse puts it: "Globalism is to really existing globalization as Orientalism is to colonialism. Globalism is the hegemonic metaphor through which the actual process of globalization is seen/presented. It views development in the 'developing world' as inevitably following the superior path of development pursued by the 'developed world,' just as Orientalism sees the 'Orient' following (if it can) the superior form of development of the 'Occident.' " Marcuse proceeds to iterate a number of other similarities between Orientalism and globalism. For example, just as Orientalism was a distorted lens through which to view the world, globalism is a distorted lens through which to view globalization. That is, globalization is seen as inevitable and is accepted unquestioningly. Such a view serves to defuse opposition to globalization. Said's work is seen as helpful here because it has been "a potent weapon on the side of social justice and the struggle for a humane world." Marcuse sees a similar role for those who are critical of globalism such as those associated with the World Social Forum. 21



O r i e n t a l i s m , C o l o n i a l i s m , a n d Postcolonialism




In J a n Aart


Ibid., 177.

Schölte and Roland Robertson, eds., Encyclopedia

Shaobao Xie,



Ibid., 108. Ibid., 109.

of Globalization. New York: M T M , 2007, 986-90.


Among other key figures are Homi Bhabha (The


Ibid., 261.

Location of Culture. London: Routledge, 1994) and


Sadik Jalal al-'Azm, "Orientalism and Orientalism

Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (In Other Worlds: Essays

in Reverse." In A. L. Macfie, ed.. Orientalism: A

in Cultural Politics. New York: Routledge, 1987; A

Reader. New York: New York University Press, 219.

Critique of Postcolonial Reason: Toward a History


Ibid., 220.

of the Vanishing Present. Cambridge, MA: Harvard


Ibid., 221.

University Press, 1999).


AN Rattansi, "Postcolonialism and Its Discontents."

Joan Acocella,

"A Better Place." New Yorker

Economy and Society 26, 4, 1997: 481, italics in

F e b r u a r y s 2008: 68-9. 4


Edward W. Said, Orientalism. New York: Vintage,


1979/1994, 92.


Ibid., 483.

Ibid., 2.


Ibid., 492.


Ibid., 3.



Ibid., 3.


Ibid., 4.


Ibid., 810.


Ibid., 23.


Ibid., 816.


Ibid., 481, italics in original.

Peter Marcuse, "Said's Orientalism: A Vital Contribution Today." Antipode 2004: 809.

Orientalism: I n t r o d u c t i o n

Orientalism: Introduction Edward W. Said

I On a visit to Beirut during the terrible civil war of 1975-6 a French journalist wrote regretfully of the gutted downtown area that "it had once seemed to belong to [...] the Orient of Chateaubriand and Nerval." He was right about the place, of course, especially so far as a European was concerned. The Orient was almost a European invention, and had been since antiquity a place of romance, exotic beings, haunting memories and landscapes, remarkable experiences. Now it was disappearing; in a sense it had happened, its time was over. Perhaps it seemed irrelevant that Orientals themselves had something at stake in the process, that even in the time of Chateaubriand and Nerval Orientals had lived there, and that now it was they who were suffering; the main thing for the European visitor was a European representation of the Orient and its contemporary fate, both of which had a privileged communal significance for the journalist and his French readers. Americans will not feel quite the same about the Orient, which for them is much more likely to be associated very differently with the Far East (China and Japan, mainly). Unlike the Americans, the French and the British - less so the Germans, Russians, Spanish, Portuguese, Italians, and Swiss - have had a long tradition of what I shall be calling Orientalism, a way of coming to terms with the Orient that is based on the Orient's special place in European Western experience. The Orient is not only adjacent to Europe; it is also the place of Europe's greatest and richest and oldest colonies, the source of its civilizations and languages, its cultural contestant, and one of its deepest and most recurring images of the Other. In addition, the Orient has helped to define Europe (or the West) as its contrasting image, idea, personality, experience. Yet none of this Orient is merely imaginative. The Orient

is an integral part of European material civilization and culture. Orientalism expresses and represents that part culturally and even ideologically as a mode of discourse with supporting institutions, vocabulary, scholarship, imagery, doctrines, even colonial bureaucracies and colonial styles. In contrast, the American understanding of the Orient will seem considerably less dense, although our recent Japanese, Korean, and Indochinese adventures ought now to be creating a more sober, more realistic "Oriental" awareness. Moreover, the vastly expanded American political and economic role in the Near East (the Middle East) makes great claims on our understanding of that Orient. It will be clear to the reader (and will become clearer still throughout the many pages that follow) that by Orientalism I mean several things, all of them, in my opinion, interdependent. The most readily accepted designation for Orientalism is an academic one, and indeed the label still serves in a number of academic institutions. Anyone who teaches, writes about, or researches the Orient - and this applies whether the person is an anthropologist, sociologist, historian, or philologist - either in its specific or its general aspects, is an Orientalist, and what he or she does is Orientalism. Compared with Oriental studies or area studies, it is true that the term Orientalism is less preferred by specialists today, both because it is too vague and general and because it connotes the high-handed executive attitude of nineteenth-century and earlytwentieth-century European colonialism. Nevertheless books are written and congresses held with "the Orient" as their main focus, with the Orientalist in his new or old guise as their main authority. The point is that even if it does not survive as it once did, Orientalism lives on academically through its doctrines and theses about the Orient and the Oriental. Related to this academic tradition, whose fortunes, transmigrations, specializations, and transmissions

Edward W. Said

are in part the subject of this study, is a more general meaning for Orientalism. Orientalism is a style of thought based upon an ontological and epistemoIogical distinction made between "the Orient" and (most of the time) "the Occident." Thus a very large mass of writers, among whom are poets, novelists, philosophers, political theorists, economists, and imperial administrators, have accepted the basic distinction between East and West as the starting point for elaborate theories, epics, novels, social descriptions, and political accounts concerning the Orient, its people, customs, "mind," destiny, and so on. This Orientalism can accommodate Aeschylus, say, and Victor Hugo, Dante and Karl Marx. A little later in this introduction I shall deal with the methodological problems one encounters in so broadly construed a "field" as this. The interchange between the academic and the more or less imaginative meanings of Orientalism is a constant one, and since the late eighteenth century there has been a considerable, quite disciplined perhaps even regulated - traffic between the two. Here I come to the third meaning of Orientalism, which is something more historically and materially defined than either of the other two. Taking the late eighteenth century as a very roughly defined starting point Orientalism can be discussed and analyzed as the corporate institution for dealing with the Orient - dealing with it by making statements about it, authorizing views of it, describing it, by teaching it, settling it, ruling over it: in short, Orientalism as a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient. I have found it useful here to employ Michel Foucault's notion of a discourse, as described by him in The Archaeology of Knowledge and in Discipline and Punish, to identify Orientalism. My contention is that without examining Orientalism as a discourse one cannot possibly understand the enormously systematic discipline by which European culture was able to manage - and even produce - the Orient politically, sociologically, militarily, ideologically, scientifically, and imaginatively during the post-Enlightenment period. Moreover, so authoritative a position did Orientalism have that I believe no one writing, thinking, or acting on the Orient could do so without taking account of the limitations on thought and action imposed by Orientalism. In brief, because of Orientalism the Orient was not (and is not) a free subject of thought or action.

This is not to say that Orientalism unilaterally determines what can be said about the Orient, but that it is the whole network of interests inevitably brought to bear on (and therefore always involved in) any occasion when that peculiar entity "the Orient" is in question. How this happens is what this book tries to demonstrate. It also tries to show that European culture gained in strength and identity by setting itself off against the Orient as a sort of surrogate and even underground self. Historically and culturally there is a quantitative as well as a qualitative difference between the FrancoBritish involvement in the Orient and - until the period of American ascendancy after World War II the involvement of every other European and Atlantic power. To speak of Orientalism therefore is to speak mainly, although not exclusively, of a British and French cultural enterprise, a project whose dimensions take in such disparate realms as the imagination itself, the whole of India and the Levant, the Biblical texts and the Biblical lands, the spice trade, colonial armies and a long tradition of colonial administrators, a formidable scholarly corpus, innumerable Oriental "experts" and "hands," an Oriental professorate, a complex array of "Oriental" ideas (Oriental despotism, Oriental splendor, cruelty, sensuality), many Eastern sects, philosophies, and wisdoms domesticated for local European use - the list can be extended more or less indefinitely. My point is that Orientalism derives from a particular closeness experienced between Britain and France and the Orient, which until the early nineteenth century had really meant only India and the Bible lands. From the beginning of the nineteenth century until the end of World War II France and Britain dominated the Orient and Orientalism; since World War II America has dominated the Orient, and approaches it as France and Britain once did. Out of that closeness, whose dynamic is enormously productive even if it always demonstrates the comparatively greater strength of the Occident (British, French, or American), comes the large body of texts I call Orientalist. It should be said at once that even with the generous number of books and authors that I examine, there is a much larger number that I simply have had to leave out. My argument, however, depends neither upon an exhaustive catalogue of texts dealing with the Orient

Orientalism: Introduction

nor upon a clearly delimited set of texts, authors, and ideas that together make up the Orientalist canon. I have depended instead upon a different methodological alternative - whose backbone in a sense is the set of historical generalizations I have so far been making in this Introduction - and it is these I want now to discuss in more analytical detail.

II I have begun with the assumption that the Orient is not an inert fact of nature. It is not merely there, just as the Occident itself is not just there either. We must take seriously Vico's great observation that men make their own history, that what they can know is what they have made, and extend it to geography: as both geographical and cultural entities - to say nothing of historical entities - such locales, regions, geographical sectors as "Orient" and "Occident" are man-made. Therefore as much as the West itself, the Orient is an idea that has a history and a tradition of thought, imagery, and vocabulary that have given it reality and presence in and for the West. The two geographical entities thus support and to an extent reflect each other. Having said that, one must go on to state a number of reasonable qualifications. In the first place, it would be wrong to conclude that the Orient was essentially an idea, or a creation with no corresponding reality. When Disraeli said in his novel Tancred that the East was a career, he meant that to be interested in the East was something bright young Westerners would find to be an all-consuming passion; he should not be interpreted as saying that the East was only a career for Westerners. There were - and are - cultures and nations whose location is in the East, and their lives, histories, and customs have a brute reality obviously greater than anything that could be said about them in the West. About that fact this study of Orientalism has very little to contribute, except to acknowledge it tacitly. But the phenomenon of Orientalism as I study it here deals principally, not with a correspondence between Orientalism and Orient, but with the internal consistency of Orientalism and its ideas about the Orient (the East as career) despite or beyond any correspondence, or lack thereof, with a "real" Orient. My point is that Disraeli's statement about the East refers

mainly to that created consistency, that regular constellation of ideas as the pre-eminent thing about the Orient, and not to its mere being, as Wallace Stevens's phrase has it. A second qualification is that ideas, cultures, and histories cannot seriously be understood or studied without their force, or more precisely their configurations of power, also being studied. To believe that the Orient was created - or, as I call it, "Orientalized" and to believe that such things happen simply as a necessity of the imagination, is to be disingenuous. The relationship between Occident and Orient is a relationship of power, of domination, of varying degrees of a complex hegemony, and is quite accurately indicated in the title of K. M. Panikkar's classic Asia and Western Dominance. The Orient was Orientalized not only because it was discovered to be "Oriental" in all those ways considered commonplace by an average nineteenth-century European, but also because it could he - that is, submitted to being - made Oriental. There is very little consent to be found, for example, in the fact that Flaubert's encounter with an Egyptian courtesan produced a widely influential model of the Oriental woman; she never spoke of herself, she never represented her emotions, presence, or history. He spoke for and represented her. He was foreign, comparatively wealthy, male, and these were historical facts of domination that allowed him not only to possess Kuchuk Hanem physically but to speak for her and tell his readers in what way she was "typically Oriental." My argument is that Flaubert's situation of strength in relation to Kuchuk Hanem was not an isolated instance. It fairly stands for the pattern of relative strength between East and West, and the discourse about the Orient that it enabled. This brings us to a third qualification. One ought never to assume that the structure of Orientalism is nothing more than a structure of lies or of myths which, were the truth about them to be told, would simply blow away. I myself believe that Orientalism is more particularly valuable as a sign of EuropeanAtlantic power over the Orient than it is as a veridic discourse about the Orient (which is what, in its academic or scholarly form, it claims to be). Nevertheless, what we must respect and try to grasp is the sheer knittedtogether strength of Orientalist discourse, its very close ties to the enabling socio-economic and political

E d w a r d W . Said

institutions, and its redoubtable durability. After all, any system of ideas that can remain unchanged as teachable wisdom (in academies, books, congresses, universities, foreign-service institutes) from the period of Ernest Renan in the late 1840s until the present in the United States must be something more formidable than a mere collection of lies. Orientalism, therefore, is not an airy European fantasy about the Orient, but a created body of theory and practice in which, for many generations, there has been a considerable material investment. Continued investment made Orientalism, as a system of knowledge about the Orient, an accepted grid for filtering through the Orient into Western consciousness, just as that same investment multiplied - indeed, made truly productive - the statements proliferating out from Orientalism into the general culture. Gramsci has made the useful analytic distinction between civil and political society in which the former is made up of voluntary (or at least rational and noncoercive) affiliations like schools, families, and unions, the latter of state institutions (the army, the police, the central bureaucracy) whose role in the polity is direct domination. Culture, of course, is to be found operating within civil society, where the influence of ideas, of institutions, and of other persons works not through domination but by what Gramsci calls consent. In any society not totalitarian, then, certain cultural forms predominate over others, just as certain ideas are more influential than others; the form of this cultural leadership is what Gramsci has identified as hegemony, an indispensable concept for any understanding of cultural life in the industrial West. It is hegemony, or rather the result of cultural hegemony at work, that gives Orientalism the durability and the strength I have been speaking about so far. Orientalism is never far from what Denys Hay has called the idea of Europe, a collective notion identifying "us" Europeans as against all "those" non-Europeans, and indeed it can be argued that the major component in European culture is precisely what made that culture hegemonic both in and outside Europe: the idea of European identity as a superior one in comparison with all the non-European peoples and cultures. There is in addition the hegemony of European ideas about the Orient, themselves reiterating European superiority over Oriental backwardness, usually overriding the possibility that a

more independent, or more skeptical, thinker might have had different views on the matter. In a quite constant way, Orientalism depends for its strategy on this flexible positional superiority, which puts the Westerner in a whole series of possible relationships with the Orient without ever losing him the relative upper hand. And why should it have been otherwise, especially during the period of extraordinary European ascendancy from the late Renaissance to the present? The scientist, the scholar, the missionary, the trader, or the soldier was in, or thought about, the Orient because he could be there, or could think about it, with very little resistance on the Orient's part. Under the general heading of knowledge of the Orient, and within the umbrella of Western hegemony over the Orient during the period from the end of the eighteenth century, there emerged a complex Orient suitable for study in the academy, for display in the museum, for reconstruction in the colonial office, for theoretical illustration in anthropological, biological, linguistic, racial, and historical theses about mankind and the universe, for instances of economic and sociological theories of development, revolution, cultural personality, national or religious character. Additionally, the imaginative examination of things Oriental was based more or less exclusively upon a sovereign Western consciousness out of whose unchallenged centrality an Oriental world emerged, first according to general ideas about who or what was an Oriental, then according to a detailed logic governed not simply by empirical reality but by a battery of desires, repressions, investments, and projections. If we can point to great Orientalist works of genuine scholarship like Silvestre de Sacy's Chrestomathie arabe or Edward William Lane's Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, we need also to note that Renan's and Gobineau's racial ideas came out of the same impulse, as did a great many Victorian pornographic novels (see the analysis by Steven Marcus of "The Lustful Turk"). And yet, one must repeatedly ask oneself whether what matters in Orientalism is the general group of ideas overriding the mass of material - about which who could deny that they were shot through with doctrines of European superiority, various kinds of racism, imperialism, and the like, dogmatic views of "the Oriental" as a kind of ideal and unchanging

Orientalism: I n t r o d u c t i o n

abstraction? - or the much more varied work produced by almost uncountable individual writers, whom one would take up as individual instances of authors dealing with the Orient. In a sense the two alternatives, general and particular, are really two perspectives on the same material: in both instances one would have to deal with pioneers in the field like William Jones, with great artists like Nerval or Flaubert. And why would it not be possible to employ both perspectives together, or one after the other? Isn't there an obvious danger of distortion ( o f precisely the kind that academic Orientalism has always been prone to) if either too general or too specific a level of description is maintained systematically? My two fears are distortion and inaccuracy, or rather the kind of inaccuracy produced by too dogmatic a generality and too positivistic a localized focus. In trying to deal with these problems I have tried to deal with three main aspects of my own contemporary reality that seem to me to point the way out of the methodological or perspectival difficulties I have been discussing, difficulties that might force one, in the first instance, into writing a coarse polemic on so unacceptably general a level of description as not to be worth the effort, or in the second instance, into writing so detailed and atomistic a series of analyses as to lose all track of the general lines of force informing the field, giving it its special cogency. How then to recognize individuality and to reconcile it with its intelligent, and by no means passive or merely dictatorial, general and hegemonic context? [•••]

My idea is that European and then American interest in the Orient was political according to some of the obvious historical accounts of it that I have given here, but that it was the culture that created that interest, that acted dynamically along with brute political, economic, and military rationales to make the Orient the varied and complicated place that it obviously was in the field I call Orientalism. Therefore, Orientalism is not a mere political subject matter or field that is reflected passively by culture, scholarship, or institutions; nor is it a large and diffuse collection of texts about the Orient; nor is it representative and expressive of some nefarious "Western" imperialist plot to hold down the "Oriental" world. It is rather a distribution of geopolitical awareness into

aesthetic, scholarly, economic, sociological, historical, and philological texts; it is an elaboration not only of a basic geographical distinction (the world is made up of two unequal halves, Orient and Occident) but also of a whole series of "interests" which, by such means as scholarly discovery, philological reconstruction, psychological analysis, landscape and sociological description, it not only creates but also maintains; it is, rather than expresses, a certain will or intention to understand, in some cases to control, manipulate, even to incorporate, what is a manifestly different (or alternative and novel) world; it is, above all, a discourse that is by no means in direct, corresponding relationship with political power in the raw, but rather is produced and exists in an uneven exchange with various kinds of power, shaped to a degree by the exchange with power political (as with a colonial or imperial establishment), power intellectual (as with reigning sciences like comparative linguistics or anatomy, or any of the modern policy sciences), power cultural (as with orthodoxies and canons of taste, texts, values), power moral (as with ideas about what "we" do and what "they" cannot do or understand as "we" do). Indeed, my real argument is that Orientalism is - and does not simply represent - a considerable dimension of modern political-intellectual culture, and as such has less to do with the Orient than it does with "our" world. Because Orientalism is a cultural and a political fact, then, it does not exist in some archival vacuum; quite the contrary, I think it can be shown that what is thought, said, or even done about the Orient follows (perhaps occurs within) certain distinct and intellectually knowable lines. Here too a considerable degree of nuance and elaboration can be seen working as between the broad superstructural pressures and the details of composition, the facts of textuality. Most humanistic scholars are, I think, perfectly happy with the notion that texts exist in contexts, that there is such a thing as intertextuality, that the pressures of conventions, predecessors, and rhetorical styles limit what Walter Benjamin once called the "overtaxing of the productive person in the name of [...] the principle of 'creativity,'" in which the poet is believed on his own, and out of his pure mind, to have brought forth his work. Yet there is a reluctance to allow that political, institutional, and ideological constraints act in the

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same manner on the individual author. A humanist will believe it to be an interesting fact to any interpreter of Balzac that he was influenced in the Comédie humaine by the conflict between Geoffroy SaintHilaire and Cuvier, but the same sort of pressure on Balzac of deeply reactionary monarchism is felt in some vague way to demean his literary "genius" and therefore to be less worth serious study. Similarly - as Harry Bracken has been tirelessly showing - philosophers will conduct their discussions of Locke, Hume, and empiricism without ever taking into account that there is an explicit connection in these classic writers between their "philosophic" doctrines and racial theory, justifications of slavery, or arguments for colonial exploitation. These are common enough ways by which contemporary scholarship keeps itself pure. Perhaps it is true that most attempts to rub culture's nose in the mud of politics have been crudely iconoclastic; perhaps also the social interpretation of literature in my own field has simply not kept up with the enormous technical advances in detailed textual analysis. But there is no getting away from the fact that literary studies in general, and American Marxist theorists in particular, have avoided the effort of seriously bridging the gap between the superstructural and the base levels in textual, historical scholarship; on another occasion I have gone so far as to say that the literary-cultural establishment as a whole has declared the serious study of imperialism and culture off limits. For Orientalism brings one up directly against that question - that is, to realizing that political imperialism governs an entire field of study, imagination, and scholarly institutions - in such a way as to make its avoidance an intellectual and historical impossibility. Yet there will always remain the perennial escape mechanism of saying that a literary scholar and a philosopher, for example, are trained in literature and philosophy respectively, not in politics or ideological analysis. In other words, the specialist argument can work quite effectively to block the larger and, in my opinion, the more intellectually serious perspective. Here it seems to me there is a simple two-part answer to be given, at least so far as the study of imperialism and culture (or Orientalism) is concerned. In the first place, nearly every nineteenth-century writer (and the same is true enough of writers in earlier periods) was extraordinarily well aware of the fact of empire: this is a

subject not very well studied, but it will not take a modern Victorian specialist long to admit that liberal cultural heroes like John Stuart Mill, Arnold, Carlyle, Newman, Macaulay, Ruskin, George Eliot, and even Dickens had definite views on race and imperialism, which are quite easily to be found at work in their writing. So even a specialist must deal with the knowledge that Mill, for example, made it clear in On Liberty and Representative Government that his views there could not be applied to India (he was an India Office functionary for a good deal of his life, after all) because the Indians were civilizationally, if not racially, inferior. The same kind of paradox is to be found in Marx, as I try to show in this book. In the second place, to believe that politics in the form of imperialism bears upon the production of literature, scholarship, social theory, and history writing is by no means equivalent to saying that culture is therefore a demeaned or denigrated thing. Quite the contrary: my whole point is to say that we can better understand the persistence and the durability of saturating hegemonic systems like culture when we realize that their internal constraints upon writers and thinkers were productive, not unilaterally inhibiting. It is this idea that Gramsci, certainly, and Foucault and Raymond Williams in their very different ways have been trying to illustrate. Even one or two pages by Williams on "the uses of the Empire" in The Long Revolution tell us more about nineteenth-century cultural richness than many volumes of hermetic textual analyses. Therefore I study Orientalism as a dynamic exchange between individual authors and the large political concerns shaped by the three great empires - British, French, American - in whose intellectual and imaginative territory the writing was produced. What interests me most as a scholar is not the gross political verity but the detail, as indeed what interests us in someone like Lane or Flaubert or Renan is not the (to him) indisputable truth that Occidentals are superior to Orientals, but the profoundly worked over and modulated evidence of his detailed work within the very wide space opened up by that truth. One need only remember that Lane's Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians is a classic of historical and anthropological observation because of its style, its enormously intelligent and brilliant details, not because of its simple reflection of racial superiority, to understand what I am saying here.

Orientalism: I n t r o d u c t i o n

The kind of political questions raised by Orientalism, then, are as follows: what other sorts of intellectual, aesthetic, scholarly, and cultural energies went into the making of an imperialist tradition like the Orientalist one? How did philology, lexicography, history, biology, political and economic theory, novel-writing, and lyric poetry come to the service of Orientalism's broadly imperialist view of the world? What changes, modulations, refinements, even revolutions take place within Orientalism? What is the meaning of originality, of continuity, of individuality, in this context? How does Orientalism transmit or reproduce itself from one epoch to another? In fine, how can we treat the cultural, historical phenomenon of Orientalism as a kind of willed human work - not of mere unconditioned ratiocination - in all its historical complexity, detail, and worth without at the same time losing sight of the alliance between cultural work, political tendencies, the state, and the specific realities of domination? Governed by such concerns a humanistic study can responsibly address itself to politics and culture. But this is not to say that such a study establishes a hard-and-fast rule about the relationship between knowledge and politics. My argument is that each humanistic investigation must formulate the nature of that connection in the specific context of the study, the subject matter, and its historical circumstances.

[...] Much of the personal investment in this study derives from my awareness of being an "Oriental" as a child growing up in two British colonies. All of my education, in those colonies (Palestine and Egypt) and in the United States, has been Western, and yet that deep early awareness has persisted. In many ways my study of Orientalism has been an attempt to inventory the traces upon me, the Oriental subject, of the culture whose domination has been so powerful a factor in the life of all Orientals. This is why for me the Islamic Orient has had to be the center of attention. Whether what I have achieved is the inventory prescribed by Gramsci is not for me to judge, although I have felt it important to be conscious of trying to produce one. Along the way, as severely and as rationally as I have been able, I have tried to maintain a critical consciousness, as well as employing those instruments of historical, humanistic, and cultural research of which my education has made me the fortunate beneficiary. In

none of that, however, have I ever lost hold of the cultural reality of, the personal involvement in having been constituted as, "an Oriental." The historical circumstances making such a study possible are fairly complex, and I can only list them schematically here. Anyone resident in the West since the 1950s, particularly in the United States, will have lived through an era of extraordinary turbulence in the relations of East and West. No one will have failed to note how "East" has always signified danger and threat during this period, even as it has meant the traditional Orient as well as Russia. In the universities a growing establishment of area-studies programs and institutes has made the scholarly study of the Orient a branch of national policy. Public affairs in this country include a healthy interest in the Orient, as much for its strategic and economic importance as for its traditional exoticism. If the world has become immediately accessible to a Western citizen living in the electronic age, the Orient too has drawn nearer to him, and is now less a myth perhaps than a place crisscrossed by Western, especially American, interests. One aspect of the electronic, postmodern world is that there has been a reinforcement of the stereotypes by which the Orient is viewed. Television, the films, and all the media's resources have forced information into more and more standardized molds. So far as the Orient is concerned, standardization and cultural stereotyping have intensified the hold of the nineteenthcentury academic and imaginative demonology of "the mysterious Orient." This is nowhere more true than in the ways by which the Near East is grasped. Three things have contributed to making even the simplest perception of the Arabs and Islam into a highly politicized, almost raucous matter: one, the history of popular anti-Arab and anti-Islamic prejudice in the West, which is immediately reflected in the history of Orientalism; two, the struggle between the Arabs and Israeli Zionism, and its effects upon American Jews as well as upon both the liberal culture and the population at large; three, the almost total absence of any cultural position making it possible either to identify with or dispassionately to discuss the Arabs or Islam. Furthermore, it hardly needs saying that because the Middle East is now so identified with Great Power politics, oil economics, and the simple-minded dichotomy of freedom-loving, democratic Israel and


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evil, totalitarian, and terroristic Arabs, the chances of anything like a clear view of what one talks about in talking about the Near East are depressingly small. My own experiences of these matters are in part what made me write this book. The life of an Arab Palestinian in the West, particularly in America, is disheartening. There exists here an almost unanimous consensus that politically he does not exist, and when it is allowed that he does, it is either as a nuisance or as an Oriental. The web of racism, cultural stereotypes, political imperialism, dehumanizing ideology holding in the Arab or the Muslim is very strong indeed, and it is this web which every Palestinian has come to feel as his uniquely punishing destiny. It has made matters worse for him to remark that no person academically involved with the Near East - no Orientalist, that is has ever in the United States culturally and politically identified himself wholeheartedly with the Arabs; certainly there have been identifications on some level, but they have never taken an "acceptable" form as has liberal American identification with Zionism, and all too frequently they have been radically flawed by their association either with discredited political and economic interests (oil-company and State Department Arabists, for example) or with religion. The nexus of knowledge and power creating "the Oriental" and in a sense obliterating him as a human

being is therefore not for me an exclusively academic matter. Yet it is an intellectual matter of some very obvious importance. I have been able to put to use my humanistic and political concerns for the analysis and description of a very worldly matter, the rise, development, and consolidation of Orientalism. Too often literature and culture are presumed to be politically, even historically innocent; it has regularly seemed otherwise to me, and certainly my study of Orientalism has convinced me (and I hope will convince my literary colleagues) that society and literary culture can only be understood and studied together. In addition, and by an almost inescapable logic, I have found myself writing the history of a strange, secret sharer of Western anti-Semitism. That anti-Semitism and, as I have discussed it in its Islamic branch, Orientalism resemble each other very closely is a historical, cultural, and political truth that needs only to be mentioned to an Arab Palestinian for its irony to be perfectly understood. But what I should like also to have contributed here is a better understanding of the way cultural domination has operated. If this stimulates a new kind of dealing with the Orient, indeed if it eliminates the "Orient" and "Occident" altogether, then we shall have advanced a little in the process of what Raymond Williams has called the "unlearning" of "the inherent dominative mode."


Orientalism and Orientalism in Reverse Sadik Jalal al-'Azm I Orientalism In his sharply debated book, Edward Said introduces us to the subject of 'Orientalism' through a broadly historical perspective which situates Europe's interest in the Orient within the context of the general historical expansion of modern bourgeois Europe outside its traditional confines and at the expense of the rest of the world in the form of its subjugation, pillage, and exploitation. In this sense Orientalism may be seen as a

complex and growing phenomenon deriving from the overall historical trend of modern European expansion and involving: a whole set of progressively expanding institutions, a created and cumulative body of theory and practice, a suitable ideological superstructure with an apparatus of complicated assumptions, beliefs, images, literary productions, and rationalisations (not to mention the underlying foundation of commercial, economic and strategic vital interests). I shall call this phenomenon Institutional Orientalism.

Orientalism a n d Orientalism in Reverse

Edward Said also deals with Orientalism in the more restricted sense of a developing tradition of disciplined learning whose main function is to 'scientifically research' the Orient. Naturally, this CulturalAcademic Orientalism makes all the usual pious claims about its 'disinterested pursuit of the truth' concerning the Orient, and its efforts to apply impartial scientific methods and value-free techniques in studying the peoples, cultures, religions, and languages of the Orient. The bulk of Edward's book is not unexpectedly devoted to Cultural-Academic Orientalism in an attempt to expose the ties which wed it to Institutional Orientalism. In this way Said deflates the self-righteous claims of Cultural-Academic Orientalism to such traits as scholarly independence, scientific detachment, political objectivity etc. It should be made clear, however, that the author at no point seeks to belittle the genuine scholarly achievements, scientific discoveries, and creative contributions made by orientalists and orientalism over the years, particularly at the technical level of accomplishment. His main concern is to convey the message that the overall image of the Orient constructed by Cultural-Academic Orientalism, from the viewpoint of its own technical achievements and scientific contributions to the field, is shot through and through with racist assumptions, barely camouflaged mercenary interests, reductionistic explanations and anti-human prejudices. It can easily be shown that this image, when properly scrutinised, can hardly be the product of genuinely objective scientific investigation and detached scholarly discipline.

Critique of orientalism One of the most vicious aspects of this image, as carefully pointed out by Said, is the deep rooted belief - shared by Cultural-Academic and Institutional Orientalism - that a fundamental ontological difference exists between the essential natures of the Orient and Occident, to the decisive advantage of the latter. Western societies, cultures, languages and mentalities are supposed to be essentially and inherently superior to the Eastern ones. In Edward Said's words, 'the essence of Orientalism is the ineradicable distinction between Western superiority and Oriental inferiority'. According to this reading of Said's initial thesis, Orientalism

(both in its institutional and cultural-academic forms) can hardly be said to have existed, as a structured phenomenon and organised movement, prior to the rise, consolidation and expansion of modern bourgeois Europe. Accordingly, the author at one point dates the rise of Academic Orientalism with the European Renaissance. But unfortunately the stylist and polemicist in Edward Said very often runs away with the systematic thinker. As a result he does not consistently adhere to the above approach either in dating the phenomenon of Orientalism or in interpreting its historical origins and ascent. In an act of retrospective historical projection we find Said tracing the origins of Orientalism all the way back to Homer, Aeschylus, Euripides and Dante. In other words, Orientalism is not really a thoroughly modern phenomenon, as we thought earlier, but is the natural product of an ancient and almost irresistible European bent of mind to misrepresent the realities of other cultures, peoples, and their languages, in favour of Occidental self-affirmation, domination and ascendency. Here the author seems to be saying that the 'European mind', from Homer to Karl Marx and A. H. R. Gibb, is inherently bent on distorting all human realities other than its own and for the sake of its own aggrandisement. It seems to me that this manner of construing the origins of Orientalism simply lends strength to the essentialistic categories of 'Orient' and 'Occident', representing the ineradicable distinction between East and West, which Edward's book is ostensibly set on demolishing. Similarly, it lends the ontological distinction of Europe versus Asia, so characteristic of Orientalism, the kind of credibility and respectability normally associated with continuity, persistence, pervasiveness and distant historical roots. This sort of credibility and respectability is, of course, misplaced and undeserved. For Orientalism, like so many other characteristically modern European phenomena and movements (notably nationalism), is a genuinely recent creation - the product of modern European history seeking to acquire legitimacy, credibility and support by claiming ancient roots and classical origins for itself. Certainly Homer, Euripides, Dante, St. Thomas and all the other authorities that one may care to mention held the more or less standard distorted views prevalent in their milieu about other cultures and peoples. However, it is equally certain that the two

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forms of Orientalism built their relatively modern repertoires of systematic conventional wisdom by calling upon the views and biases of such prestigious figures as well as by drawing on ancient myth, legend, imagery, folklore and plain prejudice. Although much of this is well documented (directly and indirectly) in Said's book, still his work remains dominated by a unilinear conception of 'Orientalism' as somehow flowing straight through from Homer to Grunebaum. Furthermore, this unilinear, almost essentialistic, presentation of the origins and development of Orientalism renders a great disservice to the vital concerns of Edward's book, namely, preparing the ground for approaching the difficult question of 'how one can study other cultures and peoples from a libertarian, or nonrepressive and nonmanipulative, perspective,' and for eliminating, in the name of a common humanity, both 'Orient' and 'Occident' as ontological categories and classificatory concepts bearing the marks of racial superiority and inferiority. It seems to me that as a logical consequence of Said's tendency to view the origins and development of Orientalism in terms of such unilinear constancy, the task of combating and transcending its essentialistic categories, in the name of this common humanity, is made all the more difficult. Another important result of this approach bears on Said's interpretation of the relationship supposedly holding between Cultural-Academic Orientalism as representation and disciplined learning on the one hand, and Institutional Orientalism as expansionary movement and socio-economic force on the other. In other words, when Said is leaning heavily on his unilinear conception of 'Orientalism' he produces a picture which says that this cultural apparatus known as 'Orientalism' is the real source of the West's political interest in the Orient, ie, that it is the real source of modern Institutional Orientalism. Thus, for him European and later on American political interest in the Orient was really created by the sort of Western cultural tradition known as Orientalism. Furthermore, according to one of his renderings, Orientalism is a distribution of the awareness that the world is made up of two unequal halves - Orient and Occident - into aesthetic, scholarly, economic, sociological, historical and philosophical texts. This awareness not only created a whole series of Occidental 'interests' (political,

economic, strategic etc) in the Orient, but also helped to maintain them. Hence for Said the relationship between Academic Orientalism as a cultural apparatus and Institutional Orientalism as economic interest and political force is seen in terms of a 'preposterous transition' from 'a merely textual apprehension, formulation or definition of the Orient to the putting of all this into practice in the Orient'. According to this interpretation Said's phrase 'Orientalism overrode the Orient' could mean only that the Institutional Orientalism which invaded and subjugated the East was really the legitimate child and product of that other kind of Orientalism, so intrinsic, it seems, to the minds, texts, aesthetics, representations, lore and imagery of Westerners as far back as Homer, Aeschylus and Euripides! To understand properly the subjugation of the East in modern times, Said keeps referring us back to earlier times when the Orient was no more than an awareness, a word, a representation, a piece of learning to the Occident: What we must reckon with is a large and slow process of appropriation by which Europe, or the European awareness of the Orient, transformed itself from being textual and contemplative into being administrative, economic, and even military. Therefore Edward Said sees the 'Suez Canal idea' much more as 'the logical conclusion of Orientalist thought and effort' than as the result of Franco-British imperial interests and rivalries (although he does not ignore the latter). One cannot escape the impression that for Said somehow the emergence of such observers, administrators and invaders of the Orient as Napoleon, Cromer and Balfour was made inevitable by 'Orientalism' and that the political orientations, careers and ambitions of these figures are better understood by reference to d'Herbelot and Dante than to more immediately relevant and mundane interests. Accordingly, it is hardly surprising to see Said, when touching on the role of the European Powers in deciding the history of the Near Orient in the early twentieth century, select for prominent notice the 'peculiar, epistemological framework through which the Powers saw the Orient', which was built by the long tradition of Orientalism. He then affirms that the Powers acted on the Orient the way

P o s t c o l o n i a l i s m a n d Its D i s c o n t e n t s

they did because of that peculiar epistemological framework. Presumably, had the long tradition of Cultural-Academic Orientalism fashioned a less peculiar, more sympathetic and truthful epistemological

framework, then the Powers would have acted on the Orient more charitably and viewed it in a more favourable light! [...]

E2 Postcolonialism and Its Discontents Ali Rattansi This paper's structure reflects its overall purpose: to provide a critical commentary on a fast-mushrooming area of research which I shall characterize as 'postcolonialism' or 'postcolonialist studies'. The paper is thus in two interrelated parts. The first will provide a provisional definition of the idea of the 'postcolonial' and explore some of the achievements of the field of 'postcolonialist' research as it has developed in cultural studies. The second part will highlight a number of key problematic areas in the field which have been the subject of considerable international debate.

1 In Praise of Postcolonialist Studies Defining and theorizing the 'postcolonial' Like all the 'posts' that are fashionable in current discourse, the idea of 'postcolonialism' faces formidable problems in mapping a terrain, an object of study, which is both coherent and can command consent among those supposedly working within the field. Many of the relevant problems are explored in the second half of this essay. For the present, a provisional set of delimiting boundaries and contents need to be defined. Provisionally, postcolonialism may be marked out as a period in global time-space in which most of the former colonies of Western imperial powers have gained formal independence. It must be emphasized that there is no sense in which the 'postcolonial' is a singular moment. The reference must be to a series of transitions situated between and within the moments of colonization/decolonization. This emphasis on

multiplicity is crucial. While a certain British or Northern European ethnocentrism has been tempted to conflate the postcolonial with the post (second world) war era, one has only to think of the 'Latin' American and indeed the North American context to appreciate the significance of the internal heterogeneity of the postcolonial period, spanning a time-space from the late eighteenth century in the 'North' or 'West' to the globality of the twentieth century. As Said has reminded us in Culture and Imperialism, the 'West' held something like 85 per cent of the world in the form of various possessions on the eve of the First World War in 1914. One of the peculiarities that postcolonialism shares with that other ubiquitous 'post', postmodernism, is that it marks out a supposed historical period as well as a distinctive form of theorization and analysis. The similarities do not end there, for as fields of investigation both eschew traditional disciplinary boundaries and conventional conceptions of time, narrative and spatiality. In the case of postcolonialist studies, a heady, eclectic mix of poststructuralism, psychoanalysis, feminism, Marxism and postmodernism itself populates the field in varying combinations. Fanon, Freud and Lacan, Foucault, Derrida, Kristeva, Jameson and Gramsci jostle for position in the works of the major postcolonialist writers - Said, Spivak and Bhabha for example. Elsewhere, in discussing postmodernism, Boyne and I have suggested that it is useful to distinguish between postmodernism, as a set of cultural and intellectual currents, and postmodernity as an epoch in historical time-space which would include postmodernism as one of its elements. A similar conceptual discrimination would help here too: thus I propose to use postcolonialism

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and postcolonialist studies to refer to a particular form of intellectual inquiry and postcoloniality to index a set of historical epochs (the significance of the plural here will be clarified below). It is my argument that the central defining theme of postcolonialism or postcolonialist studies is the investigation of the mutually constitutive role played by colonizer and colonized, centre and periphery, the metropolitan and the 'native', informing, in part, the identities of both the dominant power and the subalterns involved in the imperial and colonial projects of the 'West'. Thus postcolonialism views the'" West" and the "Rest"' as mutually imbricated, although with due attention to the fundamental axis of inequality which defined the imperial process. The formation of nations and 'national cultures' in the centre and in the peripheries is therefore analysed as a series of outcomes of the imperial project and the resistances to it, which led to formal independence for the colonies and the inauguration of the 'postcolonial' by way of a variety of time-spaces of 'postcoloniality'. In positing a certain mutuality to the processes of subject and identity formation as between colonizer and colonized, in effect the project of postcolonialist studies deconstructs the Manichean view of a binary opposition between the imperial and the subaltern, for there is a dismantling of the often-held conception of colonialism and imperialism as processes which wounded and scarred the psyches, the cultures and the economies of the colonized while leaving the metropolitan centres economically enriched, and culturally as a dominant, stable and indeed stronger set of formations. To put it differently, postcolonialist studies take as a premise that the cultures and psyches of the colonizer were not already defined, and only waiting, as it were, to be imposed, fully formed, on the hapless victims of the colonial project. The idea of the 'West' as white, Christian, rational, civilized, modern, sexually disciplined and indeed masculine was put into place in a protracted process in which the colonized Others were defined in opposition to these virtues. It was in constructing the 'natives' as black, pagan, irrational, uncivilized, pre-modern, libidinous, licentious, effeminate and childlike that the self-conception of the European as superior, and as not only fit to govern but as having the positive duty to govern and 'civilize' came into being.

However, as we shall see, the idea of mutual imbrication of identities in fact goes further than this. For the postcolonialist contention is that what was involved was an even more complex intertwining of identities-information, in which the Others against whom European identities were played off were not only outside but also inside the nation-states of the centre. The processes which led to the formation of Western modernity also involved an inferiorization and government or regulation and disciplining of internal Others such as women, children and the rapidly growing urban working class. Thus, 'internal' questions of the forms of incorporation of these subalterns into the national culture and polity became conflated with and superimposed onto issues involving the forms in which the 'natives' of the colonies were to be discursively comprehended and ruled. Now, it is quite clear that viewed in this light, the imperial and colonial projects cannot be reductively analysed simply by reference to a decisive economic logic which narrates the formation of colonial cultures and polities as just another version of the familiar transition from feudalism to capitalism, except this time imposed from above by the metropolitan powers, and in which class formation, class interests and class conflicts remain the main engines of transformation. A properly 'postcolonialist' analysis, on the contrary, requires the acknowledgement of a set of processes in which cultural formation is dispersed along a number of axes of potentially commensurate importance - class, certainly, but also sexuality and gender, racism, familial relations, religious discourses, conceptions of childhood and child-rearing practices, and requiring therefore also an understanding of underlying processes of psychic development and 'deformation'. The societies that came into being through colonial encounters can no longer be discursively appropriated through a grid which reads them as re-runs of an oft-told linear narrative of the transition from one mode of production to another, whether in Marxist or Weberian vocabulary, and certainly not as an equally straightforward story of 'modernization' as functionalist, mostly American sociology would have it. Very importantly, what is true of colonial formations seems to be true of the metropolitan societies as well, and by the same token, so to speak, for how could the seminal role of sexuality, gender, race, nation, the familial and so on be ignored as axes of cultural and

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political formation in the centre given the ever-growing understanding of the imperial project as involving mutual imbrication and intertwining? And there is, too, the question of how to understand the profound significance of the vast growth of'knowledges' fostered in the processes of colonization and which appeared to have insinuated themselves at the heart of the forms of government through which colonial rule operated anthropology, the systematizations of Oriental languages and histories, racial studies and eugenics for example - and which also appear to require a rethinking of received ideas of (material or economic) 'base' and (cultural and ideological) 'superstucture' which, even in the most sophisticated versions of the metaphor, cannot help but see such forms of knowledge, in the last instance, as epiphenomenal and thus miss their significance as shaping rather than merely reflecting the forms of colonial rule.

However, it would be disingenuous, not to say naive, and certainly very un-poststructuralist to fail to register that all these theoretical resources have not simply been 'neutral' frames for the apprehension of the 'truth' of the effects of colonial encounters on colonizer and colonized. For the concepts that have structured the archive of postcolonialist studies have, of course, decisively influenced the distinctive manner in which the field has construed the nature of this relation between colonizer and colonized and in the way it has analysed postcolonial cultures as forms of displacement and postcolonial identities as particularly fragmented. There has not been, and there never can be, a simple relation of mirroring in which the 'truth' of colonial encounters can now be said to be properly narrated with the resources that had earlier not been used or - in the case of Foucault and to some extent even Freud - had simply not been available.

It is hardly surprising that in Orientalism, which can claim to be the founding text of modern postcolonialist studies, Said turned to the poststructuralism of Foucault to provide an alternative 'take' on questions of the relation between power and knowledge, given Foucault's attention to the imbrication between the formation of knowledges and their role in government, and also for the insights Foucault's work contains in analysing how European identities were formed in a process of what Foucault called 'normalization' which categorized and separated off a variety of internal figures that in the development of Western modernity came to be marked out as 'Other' - criminals, the supposedly insane, sections of the urban poor and so on. And it should be equally intelligible why, via Fanon especially, Freudian and Lacanian emphases have been prominent in a field of studies that has attempted to understand the profound psychological impact of colonial inferiorization on both the colonized and the colonizer. A variety of deployments of feminist approaches and appropriations of Freud, Lacan and Foucault, again, have quite understandably provided critical intellectual resources in attempts to unravel the complex relations between sexuality, class, race and relations of imperial and domestic domination and subordination, a task that has also been nourished by Gramscian insights on processes of hegemony and, in a different register, by Derridean theorizations of identity, alterity and différance.

To put it differently, it should come as no surprise that the specificity of a postcolonial take on these issues has been the subject of sometimes quite acrimonious debate. I comment on these controversies in the second part of this paper. For the time being I point the reader to a significant exchange between O'Hanlan and Washbrook and Prakash where many of the issues around the legitimacy of specifically postcolonialist and Marxist 'takes' on narratives of colonialism and its aftermath are rehearsed in an illuminating manner.

Authority and identity For the present, it is worth exploring, albeit very briefly, some 'typical' (post-Orientalism) postcolonialist investigations, to substantiate my claim that there are indeed elements worthy of praise in postcolonialist studies. The number of such studies is now extraordinarily large, in part because of the North American graduate studies machine which, with the participation of many students from the former colonies of Africa and India, has embraced the field and has begun to plough it with a not uncommon energy, enthusiasm and excellence. Some indication of the extent of the cultivation can be obtained from consulting the extensive, indeed daunting bibliography in a study such as Stoler's which refigures Foucault's work on sexuality in the light of postcolonialist studies and in Said's own sequel to Orientalism, Culture and Imperialism.

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Investigations which exemplify the most general and fundamental theme of the field, that is, the complex ways in which aspects of the national cultures and identities of both the 'West' and the 'Rest' were formed by fateful colonial encounters, are an obvious starting point for (ap)praising postcolonialist studies. Gauri Viswanathan's analysis of the formation of English literary studies in India and their subsequent growth in the academies of the imperial heartland is a particularly fruitful application and extension of Said's seminal arguments in Orientalism. Viswanathan's research exemplifies the motifs of postcolonialism, for it demonstrates, among many other things, the following: (a)

That the project of teaching English literature to a certain class of Indians in India in the mid nineteenth century was part of a project to govern India by giving some Indians access to and insight into the greatness and supposed infinite moral superiority of English culture while at the same time creating a much-needed cadre of English speaking 'native' administrators and civil servants.


That this was always also a self-conscious strategy to underwrite and mask the other British project of economically exploiting the subcontinent by giving it the veneer of a 'civilizing' mission. (c) That in devising an education in English, the British were well aware of the significance of education in the creation of hegemony, for this was a project under way in Britain where a whole variety of strategies were being put into motion to contain the potential threat of the growing urban working class, schooling being one of the key planks, although in this case the attempt was infused with a Christian ethos which the British were aware had to be treated with caution in the Indian context. Here one can see the point about the interrelationship between one of the bourgeois West's internal Others - the urban working class - and the attempt to govern and exploit a set of external Other threatening subalterns, with strategies of containment being learnt and mutually transferred between the two widely separated territories of governance. (d)

That, ironically enough, it was the project of establishing English literary studies in India

which had a strong formative influence on the development of literary studies as a university subject in Britain in the last part of the nineteenth century, when English began to displace Latin and Greek languages and texts as the key medium for the education and disciplining of the middle and upper class Englishman. This last point is particularly crucial. Given the manner in which English literature has functioned, and continues to work, to define Englishness, and given, too, the huge success of English literature as a university subject in India, and the significance of English literature in the education and Anglicization of contemporary middleclass Indians, the postcolonial point about the mutual imbrication of identities via the colonial encounter - although within the context of a fundamental asymmetry of power - seems thoroughly vindicated. And, of course, so too are the emphases on knowledge, power and governance, and their subject and identityforming effects. At various stages of the discussion so far I have alluded to the significance of both class and gender in postcolonial studies. For example, it is clear that, when one refers to the urban working class as an internal Other, the relation of alterity implies that the 'Otherness' operates dyadically vis-à-vis the dominant classes of Victorian Britain, or more generally of Europe. And that, given the gendered nature of educational access, the role of English, and education more generally, was of course of particular importance in the formation of imperial masculinities in the academy, although the way in which the imperial project shaped a particular conception of the role of women as reproducers of an imperial 'race' is also well documented. Moreover, the 'feminization' of the colonized male also of course occurred in the context of the masculinism of imperialism and the dominance of the male in the metropolitan order of things. It is therefore appropriate to turn to another recent contribution to postcolonial literature in which many of these issues are particularly well highlighted. I refer here to the research of another Indian woman, Mrinalini Sinha, whose Colonial Masculinity offers a brilliant account of the changing configurations of Indian - and, more specifically, Bengali - masculinities and British imperial masculinities, set in the context

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of complex economic, social class and governmental transformations in this part of colonial India. From what is a complex and dense narrative, it is only possible here to extract a number of relevant arguments: (a)

That the conception of the 'effeminate' Bengali male in British colonial discourse in India - effeminization being a common enough, general discursive strategy of inferiorization in the imperial project - underwent, however, significant changes with the changing class structure of colonial Bengal. Effeminacy, from initially being attributed to all Indian men, then concentrated on Bengali men, and subsequently focused particularly on the Western-educated Bengali middle-class men who were beginning to make inconvenient political demands upon the colonial authorities. Interestingly enough, the Bengali male was not only ridiculed for his supposed lack of 'manliness', but also for his allegedly poor treatment of 'his' women! The combination was enough, in the eyes of the colonial authorities, to disqualify the hapless Bengali from participation in government.

(b) That the Bengalis developed complex classifications around their own sense of masculinity and emasculation. This too was related to class, with the petty clerks and then the declining rentiers conceiving of themselves as effeminized by the subservient nature of their work and their impoverishment respectively, the latter in an indigenous cultural context where masculinity was powerfully tied to the ownership of property. (c) That, simultaneously, there was a process under way in the metropolis where English masculinity was being constructed around the public schools, Oxbridge, and so on, in deliberate contrast to what was regarded as the effeminacy of the colonial male. This was, to a significant degree, a specifically English rather than a British project, for there was considerable prejudice against recruiting civil servants from Scottish and Irish universities.

crucial elements of identity for both the colonizer and the colonized, in a wide variety of geographical and national-imperial contexts. While it is somewhat invidious to pick out particular pieces of research from such a rich field, it is perhaps worth citing some other work which bears out the general themes of postcolonialist studies: for example, Catherine Hall's work on the formation of British national culture and citizenship in relation to the construction of colonial 'experiences'; David Arnold's research on the construction of'Indianized' Western medical knowledges and practices in the context of the implantation of Western medicine in India, and also the manner in which this was implicated in the formation of conceptions of Oriental and Occidental bodies; Niranjana's discussion of the way in which English identities as well as those of Indians were formed by particular translations of key Indian traditional texts, the English being able to construct Indianness and, in alterity, Englishness from a selective reading of these texts, with Indians being similarly fed a version of themselves which conformed to English conceptions of their venality; Mudimbe's explorations of Western conceptions of Africa and the problems of'recovering' and constituting an authentic African knowledge; Martin Bernal's Black Athena which attempts to contest the crucial element of Greek as opposed to Egyptian origins in the formation of the West's identity; and the important essays in the collections edited by Breckenbridge and van der Veer, Prakash and Chambers and Curti. The continuing durability of colonial discourses in Western scientific, sociological, anthropological and administrative knowledges and practices are investigated in, for example, essays by Mohanty on Western writings on 'Third World Women', Watney on the Western narrativization of AIDS and Rattansi on the sexualized racism which governed the British state's response to immigration from the colonies in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War.

Ambivalence and resistance The research of Viswanathan and Sinha is only the tip of a veritable iceberg. A vast amount of other scholarship could be drawn upon to illustrate the interplay of class, gender, ethnicity, conceptions of the family, and so on, in the dynamics of the process which established

If the idea of the mutual constitution of identities provides one major set of themes for the architecture of postcolonialist studies, notions of ambivalence and resistance furnish another. The discussions are wide ranging, encompassing Bhabha's explorations of

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mimicry, speculations on the workings of imperialist sexual desire for the Other and readings of the specificities of white women's perceptions of the colonized. It may seem inappropriate to bring together such a disparate body of work under the sign of ambivalence and resistance. But in my view what may be said to unite them is a specific element of postcolonialism which needs to be highlighted in a form that has not always been made explicit. That is, there is an aspect of this research which points to a chronic cultural and psychic instability at the heart of the colonial project, a sort of intrinsic dynamic of destabilization, whose mechanisms are formed around a complex interweaving of Self/Other relations as operationalized through sexuality and sexual difference. In the process of explicating this set of ideas in this way I shall be reading, or re-reading, some postcolonialist works, in particular those of Bhabha, in a form that is different from the explicit letter of the text or, to put it more accurately, I shall be adapting this work in ways more in keeping with my own interpretation of the psychic and sexual dynamics of colonization. Elsewhere I have discussed what I call the sexualization of colonial discourses in much greater detail than is possible in this paper. Here I will only draw out the main lines of how sexuality and gender functioned to destabilize the relations between colonized and colonizer in ways which posed a constant threat to the strict division between the two on which the imperial project was inevitably premised. Take, first, the forms of representation of'primitive' sexuality among 'natives' of the lands of North America and Africa. The free and apparently natural sexual expressiveness that was supposedly 'observed' was a source of fascination, attraction, as well as fear and repulsion, with both male and female Africans and North American 'Indians' functioning as sexual Others, onto whom were projected the anxieties and desires of the European male. In pictorial representations the native land was often an attractive female, barely clothed, inviting European imperial penetration, while the native male was often depicted as effeminized lacking bodily hair, in the case of the North American 'Indian', for example - and prey to the excessive sexuality of his woman. This type of exotic eroticization of the native was an important element in the formation and reconstitution

of sexualities and gender relations at 'home'. The white woman was seen as closer to the native than to the white male in many ways. She supposedly shared the lower intelligence, over-emotionality and potential sexual excess of the native - especially if she happened to be working class - therefore needing the same subordination and control, but by the same token requiring 'protection' from men, and the native in the colony, and her own sexual desire for other and Other males, allowing a legitimation of patriarchal gender relations at home and abroad. Arguably, what are evident here are projections of white male - especially upper-class male - desires and anxieties which constantly threatened to breach the all-important binary between the colonizer and the native and which in practice, of course, were breached by widespread sexual liaisons between the two which have increasingly become the object of investigation in recent years. Note, too, the significance of homoeroticism, sometimes under the surface, sometimes explicit as in the case of so many homosexuals who fled restrictions at home to fulfil their desires and fantasies in the Orient. There is a sense in which the worst fears of the white colonial male were realized in the person of that curious creature, the white woman traveller who, in defiance of nineteenth-century expectations, decided to roam the colonies on her own, as it were, to 'see' for herself and then to commit the even greater transgression of writing about her 'experiences'. Women travellers to the colonies, imperial outposts and the 'virgin' territories soon to be colonized tended to write in a register different from that produced by the imperial gaze of the male 'discoverer' and adventurer. As Mills has pointed out, women's travel writing had more in common with that other tradition of travel writing which Pratt has categorized as deploying a 'sentimental' rhetoric in which the narrator is foregrounded and relationships with 'natives' become a crucial feature of the narrative. Women's travel writing, produced within the cracks of two conflicting subject positions - that relating to the private sphere of caring and emotional work and another which demanded a certain imperial authorial and authoritarian distance - was often that much more involved with and sympathetic to the 'natives'. As such it often functioned as a counter-discourse, and, although hegemonized by

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imperial assumptions about the 'civilizing' mission and subject to considerable ambivalence, especially when the pull of the suffragette movement came into conflict with the demands of the campaign for the abolition of slavery, may be regarded as subverting the colonizer/colonized binary in a potentially destabilizing manner. Quite what the response of the 'memsahibs' was to the Western-educated middle- and upper-class native in India is not entirely clear. But it is time to return to the significance of the effeminization of such native males, the theme which organized Sinha's work discussed earlier. The effeminization may be seen as an inferiorizing device to a very particular threat posed by such natives. Both the threat and the response to it need to be seen in the context of women and natives as Others who chronically functioned as potential nightmares for the upper-class colonial male's desire for control not only over Self/Other relations, but also over the potential fragmentation of the internally riven male self. It is here that an adaptation of Bhabha's brilliant insights on the effects of 'mimicry' provide an understanding of other mechanisms which destabilized the colonial project from within. Macaulay's famous Minute on Indian Education, which was the immediate catalyst for the development of a form of education for the formation of 'a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, opinions, in morals, and in intellect' who would act as 'interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern', as Macaulay himself put it, succeeded only too well, but not necessarily with all the consequences that he intended. For the Anglicized Indian, in acquiring the tastes and scaling some of the heights of English intellectual accomplishment, also implicitly brought into question the innateness of the native's inferiority. He may not have mastered the nuances, and especially not the pronunciation, but this only served to produce in the colonies what Bhabha calls the 'forked tongue of English colonialism', a source and form of chronic ambivalence, for the colonialist was now constantly confronted with a sort of grotesque shadow, who returned the gaze of the colonizer in a partially displacing mode. Mimicry, then, is both a successful outcome of a technology of power and discipline, an 'English education', but also a 'menace', a threat, which - and this is a point that

Bhabha leaves implicit - was no mean influence in the production of intellectuals who demanded the liberty that many who had opposed the teaching of English had feared would be the consequence of English education in the colonies. The history of nationalisms in the colonies could, with a little exaggeration, be narrated as the history of the production of subjects who, by way of 'English' education both in the colonies and in the centre, acquired some of the cultural resources to contest and finally overthrow the state of subjection. This is mimicry as agency and empowerment, initiated by a process that was almost inevitable, given the exigencies of imperial government. This having been said, one might quite legitimately entertain doubts about the political significance and effectiveness of ambivalence as a form of resistance - Bhabha remains symptomatically silent on this question. And at this point we are immediately confronted by other difficulties, paradoxes and ironies: for the continuing influence of 'English' education in the ex-colonies, the differentiation of these societies as nation-states, and so on, also poses acutely the question of what meaning can really be given to the idea of 'postcoloniality' or 'postcolonialism' and forms a convenient bridge into the second part of my discussion, which poses a number of questions which threaten to undo the whole idea of 'post'colonialist studies.

2 The'Post'and the'Colonial'in Postcolonialist Studies: Some Awkward Questions If examined more rigorously, the idea of the 'postcolonial' reveals a number of chronic difficulties, often shared with other 'posts' fashionable today, especially 'postmodernism' (of which more later). Take, first, a certain apparent confusion between the 'imperial' and the 'colonial'. In the paper so far I have used the terms almost interchangeably. But, arguably, an important distinction is thus being elided. Indeed, for some analytical purposes it would seem important to differentiate between colonialism as a particular form of direct rule and, more often than not, involving settlement, by a foreign power, and imperialism which could be reserved to denote a more diffuse expansionism. Despite the obvious overlaps, the two could be argued

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to have different dynamics and different consequences for the 'periphery' and the 'centre'. The usage would have to depend on particular contexts, for in many general discussions of course 'imperial' can be allowed to subsume the specificity of the 'colonial'. But this only begs another question. Given that the term 'postcolonial' appears to have established itself over the more general 'postimperial', when does the 'posfcolonial' moment supposedly begin? Some authors argue that it begins at the same moment as the beginning of the imperial, used synonymously with the 'colonial', for the 'post-' signifies, above all, resistance to and active differentiation from imperial imposition. For others the term is basically an alternative to the ubiquitous Western designation of'postwar' (referring to the Second World War). It does not seem helpful to argue that at the moment of resistance to the imperial encounter, in other words, almost at the very inception of the imperialist thrust, we are already in some sort of 'postcolonial' time-space. This is to homogenize very complex historical structures and periods. While all conceptual distinctions can only be provisional, and are related to specific analytical projects, I would want to maintain that, unless there are strong arguments for doing otherwise, the concept of the 'postcolonial' should, in terms of historical periodization, be restricted to time-spaces inaugurated by the formal independence of former colonies of Western powers. This implies that specifically 'postcolonialist' writing may properly be said to emerge after the end of formal colonialism. Before that formal severance, what we have are forms of a»fi-colonial writing, which obviously cannot reflect upon the structures and events unleashed in the aftermath of independence. Arguably, even historical writings on colonialism undertaken after the end of formal colonialism will bear traces of the postcolonial experience and therefore may be said to be part of a postcolonial oeuvre although they may not always qualify as postcolonialist in the specific senses of'postcolonialist studies' as delineated in the first part of this essay. But is 'neo-colonial' not a preferable term to postcolonial since it points up more explicitly the many forms of continuity between the periods of colonialism and formal independence? Moreover, the concept may have the advantage, as Young points out, of directing attention to the present, away from an endless

restaging of the colonial encounters of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. There is something in this argument. Nevertheless, I do not think that the reasons offered are compelling enough for 'neo-colonial' to supplant rather than supplement 'postcolonial'. For one thing, we are still learning much from the novel manner in which the colonial encounter is being re-staged in postcolonialist studies. For another, the problem with the term neo-colonial is its connotation of a relationship between the ex-colony and the former colonizer that appears to posit a more conspiratorial role for the imperial power in the new period, and one which implies far too passive a role for those who govern the now independent states of Africa, Asia and so on. At this stage of the discussion it becomes pertinent to effect a reversal of the argument just considered, and ask whether the description 'postcolonial' for particular periods and nation states does not actually over-value the impact of colonialism on the societies of both the colonized and the colonizer. The simple answer to this, in my view, is that the term may indeed imply effectivities which are exaggerated. Fostcolonial, as a designation, may draw attention away from the myriad other influences on the formation of these societies. This is an issue to which I will return in the conclusion to the paper. Incidentally, this is also an appropriate point at which to argue that, given the thesis of mutual imbrication of cultures and identities as developed in postcolonial studies, the term postcolonial has to be regarded as pertinent for the societies of ex-colonial powers as well as for the ex-colonies. Now is the time to deal with another question that assumes relevance in this context. Is it helpful to lump together African, various Asian and Latin American societies/nation-states, and Australia, New Zealand and sometimes Canada and the USA as well, as 'postcolonial' when they have been formed by such very diverse histories and occupy such disparate time-spaces in the present cultural, economic and geo-political order of the world? Patently, it is not. The concept ofpostcolonialism can provide only the most general framework of analysis. Quite clearly, what is also required is an historical imagination and contemporary analysis which is aware, to take but one example, that the sense of marginality felt by white Australian and Canadian

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writers in relation to the metropolitan centres is not of the same order as that experienced by indigenous African and Asian writers, although it is undoubedly true that in being grouped together as part of something called 'Commonwealth Literature' they have all suffered a certain stigma of 'worthy but not quite' (to adapt a phrase from Bhabha's suggestive analysis of the status of the native 'mimic'). The point needs to be extended to any analysis of the general issue of comparative marginalization and peripheralization of the former White Dominions and those of black Africa and India in relation to Britain and the USA. But the legitimacy of the term 'postcolonial' can still be seriously doubted when viewed from the perspective of the aboriginal populations of North and South America and Australia and New Zealand which are still fighting what they might see as anti-colonial struggles. This is where, again, extreme sensitivity to historical disjunctures and the specificities of time-spaces is crucial if the idea of the 'postcolonial' is to retain some analytical value. The point is to recognize the productiveness of the chronic ambivalence and potential destabilizations within the discourse of 'postcolonialism', an argument effectively explored in Prakash. Finally, to bring this sort of conceptual ground clearing to a provisional close, one might ask whether globalization is a better concept than postcolonialism, especially given the fact that it is more inclusive, drawing into its ambit nation-states that have no significant formal recent history of colonialism but which nevertheless are participants in the present world order. However, in my view it would be a mistake to create this type of binary apposition. We need both concepts, one to signal a very general process of time-space compression - to borrow Harvey's inelegant but concise expression - and the other precisely to act as a reminder to those who insist on writing the narrative of globalization as if the process sprang from the internal dynamic of the transition from feudalism to capitalism in the West that imperial expansion and colonialism were key constitutive features, and indeed set both globalization and Western capitalism in motion and acted as continual fuelling forces. The credentials of the idea of'postcolonialism' have been provisionally established by the discussion so far, or at least so I would argue, although not without stripping it of certain pretensions which might otherwise

render the concept vulnerable to dismissal. Nevertheless, a number of difficult questions remain, and will continue to perplex those who intend to work in the terrain opened up by the insights of postcolonialist studies. [...]

Something to end with Not that this is the end of the story. Ahmad, for instance, has charged that much of what passes as postcolonial scholarship, so often carried out by academics whose origins lie in the former colonies and who are now comfortably established in some of the most élite metropolitan universities, has merely used poststructuralism as a ruse to ally with some of the most fashionable but ultimately non-threatening fashions. In the process this has enabled the academics to land lucrative posts and obtain prestige in the centre while getting further divorced from the realities and political involvements of their countries of origin. Others (for example Dirlik) go even further, for they argue that postcolonialism involves a serious neglect of the role of global capitalism in perpetuating global inequalities in the present and that postcolonial studies may merely serve the cultural requirements of global capitalism. There is probably a grain of truth in all this carping. But no more than a grain. Postcolonial scholarship is an international enterprise, and one of its most impressive aspects is the manner in which it has galvanized younger scholars in and from the former colonies, and also younger metropolitan researchers, to undertake investigations into the colonial encounter which are strikingly novel and profound, and these are undertakings in which the holy trinity of Said, Bhabha and Spivak, to cite the most prominent target of censure, has served as an admirable source of inspiration. While there are always dangers of academic co-option, Ahmad's Marxism has hardly escaped this insiduous institutionalization either. Moreover, Ahmad seriously undervalues the long-term significance of critical intellectual work. There is an important point about the disappearance of the general intellectual of an earlier kind, for example, Sartre or C.L.R. James, which Said grieves over in Culture and Imperialism, but this is an altogether more sophisticated argument than that advanced by Ahmad.

Peter Marcuse

And, to turn to Dirlik's source of discontent, it is simply untrue to say that global capitalism has been ignored in postcolonial research, although obviously what postcolonial studies has been about is finding non-reductionist ways of relating global capitalism to the cultural politics of colonialism, and indeed finding frameworks which allow the imperial and colonial enterprise to be seen not as external appendages of global capitalism, but as major constitutive elements (see Hall for a detailed critical reading of Dirlik which shows up some of its internal contradictions). Said's Culture and Imperialism, Viswanathan's Masks of Conquest, Spivak's In Other Worlds, Niranjana's Siting Translation, Sinha's Colonial Masculinity, Chatterjee's Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World - to take only some of the works cited in my paper - display varying but definite degrees of emphasis on the constitutive relation between imperialism, colonialism, class relations and global capitalism. However, there are some reservations I do wish to enter. Although postcolonialist researchers have been scathing about the consequences of nationalist politics in the former colonies, it is not clear what kind of alternative vision they wish to advance. In the last part of Culture and Imperialism Said makes a brave but in my view an ultimately weak attempt to promote a sort of politics of cultural hybridity, which attempts to muster some optimism and finds an important role for postcolonial intellectual work, but which remains vague and perhaps naive. On the other hand, it is also naive to expect a politics, emancipatory or conservative, to be read off from the framework of postcolonialism in the same way that there is no necessary political belonging to postmodernism (an argument Boyne and I have elaborated elsewhere). Nevertheless, relatedly, and this may be because so much of postcolonialist studies is undertaken by historians and literary critics,

little attempt is made to connect with contemporary problems of 'development'. However, this is where sociologists, anthropologists, political theorists and economists with a postcolonialist sensiblility can make important contributions to a field, development studies, which is itself in crisis. Finally, it is worth pointing out that one must deflate any imperialistic mission on the part of postcolonial studies. Postcolonialism is only one optic on the formation and dynamics of the contemporary world. It cannot be allowed to function as a totalizing perspective, indeed it is incapable of doing so, for it cannot remotely furnish all the intellectual frameworks required for any kind of cultural or any other kind of analysis. Take just one instance: there are only limited insights to be gained by designating contemporary Indian or African cinema 'postcolonial'. There is so much more to be s a i d . . . So, the enterprise of postcolonial studies is hardly unproblematic. But it is nevertheless the site of new, quite fundamental insights. At the risk of paradox, it might be said that it provides a non-essentialist but essential, non-foundationalist foundation on which to map the past, the present and the future in an age of transitions. The proliferation of so many 'posts' in the social sciences and the humanities is symptomatic of a widespread acknowledgement that the old categories will simply not do any more, even if the refusal to name anything positively, the tendency merely to gesture to the passing of something familiar bespeaks a deep uncertainty about how to map the future. And, to reinforce an argument made earlier, postcolonialism signals a more general de-centring of the West, from both within and without - an internal unravelling, as the Enlightenment project is questioned on several fronts, and an external transformation as the West's hegemony in the world order comes under severe pressure.

Said's Orientalism: A Vital Contribution Today Peter Marcuse Edward Said's analysis of Orientalism was a powerful critique that showed how a concept, elaborated in

academic writings and popular discourse, achieved virtually hegemonic status although it was both wrong

Said's Orientalism

and supportive of relations of domination and exploitation on an international scale. His conclusion hardly needs demonstration today, when near Eastern policy at high ranks of United States decision-makers is challenged as being undertaken "to gain empirical evidence to test an assumption" that "the Arab-Islamic world is inherently allergic to democracy". Said's Orientalism, perhaps his most important book, is a striking model of engaged intellectual work, in which the link between deep scholarly effort and immediate political reality is ever present. We can learn much by trying to apply the same critical approach to other hegemonic concepts of our time. What follows is an initial attempt to do this with the concept of Globalism. I want to argue that the richness of Said's approach can be extended quite directly to an analysis of the concept of Globalism, which in this sense is the inheritor of Orientalism's mantle. Just as "Orientalism" was used to describe and categorize a specific geographic region, its people and its culture, I want to use the term "Globalism" to suggest the way in which specific real processes at the international level, often lumped together under the term globalization, are discussed and portrayed in academic and popular circles. Edward Said defined Orientalism as the hegemonic view in the "West" of the inferiority of the "East", a view both anticipating and justifying a colonial relation between dominant and subordinate, manifest in culture, language, ideology, social science, media, and political discourse. In Said's very influential book with that title, he lays out, in vibrant and often polemical prose, the minute details of the way in which Orientalism pervaded the world view of the leaders of European and United States societies, not as an intentionally malicious racism but rather as an often unconscious and sometimes benevolently intended set of attitudes and preconceptions arising out of relations of power. While Orientalism preceded nineteenth and twentieth century colonialism by several millennia, its earlier expressions fueled its later direct use in support of imperial policies in England, France, and finally the United States. Said begins his analysis with a devastating look at a parliamentary speech of Arthur Balfour in 1910, in which the condescending treatment of "Orientals" and the unquestioned belief in "Western" superiority is explicit. He then goes on to trace the manifestations of those same views in an implicit and even concealed but nonetheless pervasive form in

literature, movies, public speeches, and works of art. Said's work is an outstanding example of what Pierre Bourdieu would call human capital in the service of power. "Globalism" is an apt term for the latest manifestation of the infiltration of relations of power into the political and cultural understandings of our age. I use the term in a very specific and limited sense. Globalism is the lens (trope, metaphor, set of implicit assumptions, world view, discourse) that underlies almost all current policies of most governments in the international arena. It sees the process of globalization as new, as the dominant feature of our time, a structural process independent of specific acts of choice, inevitable in its really existing form, and ultimately beneficial to all, although certain distributional inequities may be seen as needing correction. It is the lens through which a substantial portion of the scholarly and intellectual discussion of globalization sees its subject matter. Globalization, in its really existing form, is the further internationalization of capital accompanied by and using substantial advances in communications and transportation technology, with identifiable consequences in cultural, internal and international political relations, changes in the capital/labor balance of power, work processes, roles of national government, urban patterns, etc. Globalism is to really existing globalization as Orientalism is to colonialism. Globalism is the hegemonic metaphor through which the actual process of globalization is seen/presented. It views development in the "developing world" as inevitably following the superior path of development pursued by the "developed world", just as Orientalism sees the "Orient" following (if it can) the superior form of development of the "Occident". If we substitute the G7 for the Occident, and the Third World for the Orient, we can apply Said's insight with profit, keeping in mind the different roles of racism, geographic coverage, and cultural distortions involved in the parallels. Globalism accepts as obviously true and not requiring proof the inevitable domination of global interests - specifically, globally organized capital over all spheres of life and all countries of the world. As Orientalism paralleled and legitimated colonialism and imperialism and the domination of Western over "Third World" countries, so Globalism parallels

Peter Marcuse

and legitimates the priority of global capitalism over all forms of social organization, and the domination of capital over labor. As Said, in a nuanced discussion, concedes the significant contribution Orientalist scholars have made to accumulating facts and advancing knowledge about other little known societies to an audience in the West, so the contribution of globalist scholars to increasing the knowledge and understanding of the range and modes of operation of global capital must be conceded. Nevertheless, the underlying assumptions in both cases parallel the needs of established power. Orientalism and Globalism in fact overlap in critical ways: implicit racism/chauvinism and unquestioning acceptance of the value systems of the industrial and financial powerful nations (implicit in the acceptance of what "development" means) fuel both, and serve to buttress domination both within nations and among them. Globalism, like Orientalism, is effective precisely because it pretends not to be an ideology, but just scholarship or description of the world as it is. As Pierre Bourdieu put it, "it goes without saying because it comes without saying". Just as Said argues that "the Orient" is an artificial concept, one created, largely, by scholars and writers to describe a subject that does not exist in reality - or rather, to shape something that does exist in reality into a form that makes it manageable and manipulable by dominant powers located largely in the Western industrialized countries - so is "Globalism" an artificial concept, wrapping a set of developments whose real etiology is concealed into a single something that must be accepted as a "force", an actor, to which a whole range of results can then be attributed for which no one or group is responsible, which simply becomes part of reality, a given object to be studied and understood, described and quantified. But globalization is not an object, any more than eastern-located countries are an object; they are both names, concepts, artificially created in a particular social and political and historical context, and serving a particular social and political and historical purpose. There is no more a "force" of globalization than there is a "place" called the Orient. The role that Balfour plays in Said's account is comparable to that played by Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan in Globalism's ascendancy, with policy

advisers such as the early Jeffrey Sachs and institutions such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, and discussions such as those at Davos, playing a leading role. In the social sciences, the lineage that Said painstakingly traces could be followed, in Globalism's case, with W. W. Rostow as an early representative and Manuel Castells, in his current work, or Anthony Giddens, today, as one of its latest and most sophisticated; Francis Fukuyama exposes the world view in cruder fashion, as does Thomas Friedman. The policies that Said tracks to the masters of the British Empire in the 19th century find their direct analogy in the masters of the Washington consensus at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21 st. But the real contribution of Edward Said is not to document the explicit biases and stereotypes of the colonialists, but to trace the more subtle but pervasive and hegemonic parallels of colonialism in the language, the metaphors, the discourse, and the cultural production of their times. Indeed, language, metaphors, discourse, are points along an increasingly comprehensive spectrum of representation that is Said's underlying theme: a lens through which the world, or parts of it, are seen, is the simile he himself uses. Globalism deserves the same attention today, as the lens through which globalization is seen and represented. The problem lies not in the scholarship that examines the operations of global capital, as it was not in the scholarship that examined the history or culture of colonial societies. It lies rather in the unquestioning acceptance of the appropriateness of what is being examined, of the pervasiveness of its reality, in short of its inevitability. Granting the inevitability of the increasing domination of global capital over all other forms of economic and social organization contributes to that domination, just as granting the inevitability of imperial relations contributes to the continued domination of those relations. The uses of Globalism are legion; they support and legitimate globalization, and defuse the opposition to it. Globalism is the answer emanating from the World Economic Forum at Davos to the challenge from the World Social Forum at Porto Alegre; where Porto Alegre's slogan is, "Another World is Possible", Davos answers, "TINA, There Is No Alternative: really existing globalization is inevitable". Globalism is the understanding that undergirds the World Trade

Said's Orientalism

Organization's response to Seattle and its successors, that frames the defense of NAFTA and the FTAA in the United States, that empowers employers in their bargaining with labor unions everywhere, that justifies low wages in developing countries. Globalism can also be used locally, supporting an odd coalition in which purely locally based interests, such as property owners, local political leaders, or locally attached residents, support a place marketing strategy that emphasizes a locality's key position in global exchanges. That global and local pressures as often complement each other as diverge has been often enough pointed out; they both rely on Globalism when it is to their advantage, and neither is internally homogeneous. Said's nuanced discussion of Orientalism suggests similar caution in describing the scholarship having to do with globalization. In both cases, there is an underlying and important reality calling out for examination, and in both cases key figures in their exploration have contributed much to knowledge of the subject. As Said praises Vico and the Napoleonic expedition writers, so scholars like Friedmann and Sassen contributed much to an understanding of new developments on the world stage. The issue is not so much the worth of that endeavor, but rather whether the undercurrent within it, here categorized as Globalism, has not undermined the very utility of the term. One thinks of a similar situation with the concept "underclass", which William Wilson used to describe real developments in the inner cities of the United States. After significant criticism, e.g. by Herbert Gans, and reflection, Wilson has dropped the term completely, substituting the less catchy but more delimited term "ghetto poor". In the same way, the term "globalization" might, in the absence of a hegemonic Globalism, slowly be abandoned in favor of the more accurate if also less elegant "internationalization of capitalism". A problem, in this account, both of Orientalism by Said and of Globalism here, is that both the world view being criticized and the material for its criticism come from similar, sometimes even identical, sources. Much of the material Said cites comes from Westerners, from the Western side of the lens of Orientalism. In the same way, much of the material that provides the most damning criticism of Globalism comes from writers and researchers and activists who are on the side of the

victims of globalization. Their sympathies lie on the other side of the lens of Globalism, even as their "real" position is on the viewer side. So it is with Said: among the most trenchant material he cites is that which comes from acute Western observers, whose perspicacity he generously acknowledges. It is to be expected that the real representatives of the Orient would provide material for Said's indictment: why is so much that supports his position found in the work of Western scholars and leaders, from Christian writers of the eleventh century through Napoleon to the present? Franz Fanon one would expect; but the holders of endowed chairs at elite United States universities? The answer perhaps lies in Said's use of the term "Orientalism" in some grammatical disjuncture with the term "Orientalist". It results from a differentiation I would wish to make explicit here. Much of the argument against Orientalism in fact comes from Orientalists; that term is rather used to denote those who study the discourse of Orientalism and the realities that are artificially subsumed under the term, rather than the exponents of the viewpoint of Orientalism. In the same way, many, including some of the most prominent writers on globalization, attack the implications of Globalism. One may, in both the Orientalist and Globalist case, distinguish three types of authors: (1) those who adopt the viewpoint of Orientalism or Globalism, the Balfours and the Rostows; while Said uses the term Orientalist more broadly, the term "Globalist" might be specifically applied to this group in the case of Globalism - the legitimators of globalization, the Globalists pure and simple; (2) those who study, describe, document, parse the processes going on in "the Orient" or in "globalization", who implicitly accept the tenets of the subject but may be critical of its results and may provide accurate and useful information for its understanding; also Orientalists in Said's usage, perhaps (a bit more awkwardly) the "scholars of globalization" here; and (3) students, writers, and activists on issues raised by Orientalism and Globalism who devote themselves to its critique the critics of Globalism who however often move in circles overlapping those of the scholars. Said would certainly consider himself also an Orientalist, but in the sense of a critic of Orientalism, an Orientalist in the sense of (3), not (1), but moving in many of the same circles as (2), the scholars of the Orient. And certainly

Peter Marcuse

many dealing with globalization consider themselves concerned with the same issues and moving in the same circles as the scholars of globalization. The dividing lines here are not sharp. Globalists celebrate globalization, and have no doubts as to its existence, but their work may involve scholarly examination of aspects of the underlying reality. Scholars of globalization may expose one or another of its negative realities, but largely do not question its fundamental tenets in their work; and critics of Globalism often contribute to its scholarly analysis. But at the extremes, the roles are clear.

limns. Were one as erudite as Said, one might go even further back and look at the representations of the poor in Victor Hugo, or in Shakespeare's Coriolanus, or perhaps even in Cicero; I do not believe it can be found in the classical Greeks, for here the poor, as slaves, were simply excluded from consideration. In any event, today, through the lens of Globalism, the representation of the poor is transformed into a discourse about the included and the excluded, the developed and the under-developed, the industrialized and the not yet industrialized, the rich and the poor - and thus, the global and the not-global or the globalizing.

Said speaks of Orientalism as a view of the colonies from the outside, as a Western lens shaped to meet Western needs. If there is a reality to the difference between "the West" and "the Orient" - and there is - is there any parallel with viewpoints on Globalism? It is Westerners that look through the lens of Orientalism from one side, seeing a distorted reality on the other; they are not on both sides of the lens. None of us, in "developed" or "developing" countries, are outside the reality of globalization that lies on the other side of the lens of Globalism, the reality of the internationalization of capital that does in fact infect all economies, all politics, all cultures, all languages, all ways of life, if in quite different forms. But the lens of Globalism is not a generalized one, created without actors, serving no particular purpose. It is a view from above, from those in power, able to dominate and exploit. They are active in "developing" countries as in "developed", just as Orientalists are as often found in the countries of the East as of the West. The purpose it serves is to distort the reality of those who are dominated and exploited, the oppressed, those below. Theirs is a reality the proponents of Globalism do not share, do not know. As with Said's Orientalism, this lens is one shaped well before the lens in its present form and use are perfected, well before the talk of some who are globalizers and some who are globalized. It builds on a view of the poor by the rich or their apologists that has evolved over centuries: on the distinction between the worthy and unworthy poor, the pictures of slum life that Jacob Riis described as depraved, the lumpen proletariat characterizations of Karl Marx, the culture of poverty thesis of Oscar Lewis, the descriptions of the poor and of criminals that Frances Piven and Michel Foucault so accurately describe and that Bertold Brecht so tellingly

It would seem churlish to press the parallel further, and to say, of the students of poverty, that their aim is to facilitate the control of "the poor", as the aim of the Orientalists (in sense 1) was to facilitate the control of "the Orient". But there are parallels. In the Manhattan Institute's attack on homelessness, the approach is to categorize the poor in order to bring them under control by addressing the disturbing characteristics of each separately; not even a bow in the direction of housing market inequities or desperate poverty is visible. The same may be said of some early studies of poverty, and even of some projects, such as the settlement houses (certainly the almshouses) of the past. Loic Wacquant makes a slashing attack on some current studies of poverty along the same lines, although he fails to discriminate between intent or motive and objective effect. But then the motivations of many Orientalists were also benevolent. To the extent that the poor are portrayed as exotic, studied as strange objects in the early British studies and the Pittsburgh study, the parallel holds. But of course the critical view is also strong; thus Barbara Ehrenreich's recent book is directly aimed precisely at de-exoticizing the poor. The projects of Orientalism seem quite clear, from the Napoleonic expedition to Egypt to the British actions in the near East at the beginning of the century. So do the projects of Globalism, from the Bretton Woods agreements to the World Trade Organization, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank. Oddly enough, the actions of the Bush administration in Afghanistan and Iraq today seem closer to Said's Orientalism than to Davos' Globalism; Palestine policy even more so. Is the drive to Empire the successor to Globalism? Indeed, it seems in many ways to run counter to the earlier Globalist policies; its unilateralism,

Said's Orientalism

reliance on crude force, protectionism at home, contradict what Globalists have long advocated. Is the drive to Empire merely a temporary aberration, or does it now represent a new constellation of forces, and if so, one within or supplanting the relations of Globalism? Since the process is one connected with real historical movements, it is also one of counter-movements, exposure of distortion, and presentation of alternate representations. Said also played a vital role in this counter-movement. One of Edward Said's signal contributions was to clarify the intellectual substructure on which the colonial relations between the "West" and the "East",

the imperial and the colonial powers, have been (and are being) built. The Orientalist world view continues in the period of globalization; it is not replaced by Globalism, but rather supplemented by it. In the ongoing conflict between the forces of exploitation and domination, Edward Said's many-faceted contributions have been a potent weapon on the side of social justice and the struggle for a humane world. The struggle against Globalism, exemplified by movements such as those represented in the World Social Forum, are not a replacement but a continuation of the struggle in which Said played such a prominent role. We miss him already.

While it came under severe attack in the global economic crisis that raged beginning in late 2007, neoliberalism has arguably been the most influential theory in globalization studies (and underlies the next chapter on structural adjustment). It has both strong adherents and vociferous critics. However, the critics have now gained the upper hand, at least for the moment, with much of that economic crisis being linked to the neoliberal belief in, and policies of, the free market and deregulation. It was the deregulation of the banks, financial institutions, and various markets that led to the high-risk ventures (subprime mortgages, credit default swaps, derivatives, etc.) that collapsed and led to the crisis. Nevertheless, one cannot understand globalization without understanding neoliberalism. It was a key factor in the emergence of the global age and the problems it created certainly had global implications. As the crisis deepened in Europe, French President Nicolas Sarkozy said: "It [neoliberalism] is a worldwide problem, and it should get a worldwide response." 1

Neoliberalism is a theory that has implications for globalization in general, as well as for many of its elements. It is particularly applicable to the economics (especially the market and trade) and the politics (the nation-state and the need to limit its involvement in, and control over, the market and trade) of globalization.

Not only is it important in itself, but it has also strongly influenced other thinking and theorizing about both of those domains, as well as globalization in general. A number of well-known scholars, especially economists, are associated with neoliberalism. We begin this chapter with some of the ideas of one neoliberal economist - William Easterly - in order to give the reader a sense of this perspective. Easterly is opposed to any form of collectivism and state planning as they were espoused and practiced in the Soviet Union or are today by the UN, other economists, and so on. Collectivism failed in the Soviet Union and, in Easterly's view, it will fail today. It will fail because it inhibits, if not destroys, freedom; and freedom, especially economic freedom, is highly correlated with economic success. This is the case because economic freedom "permits the decentralized search for success that is the hallmark of free markets." Economic freedom and the free market are great favorites of neoliberal economists. 2


Easterly offers several reasons why economic freedom is related to economic success. First, it is extremely difficult to know in advance what will succeed and what will fail. Economic freedom permits a multitude of attempts and the failures are weeded out. Over time, what remains, in the main, are the successes and they serve to facilitate a high standard of living. Central


planners can never have nearly as much knowledge as myriad individuals seeking success and learning from their failures and those of others. Second, markets offer continuous feedback on what is succeeding and failing; central planners lack such feedback. Third, economic freedom leads to the ruthless reallocation of resources to that which is succeeding; central planners often have vested interests that prevent such reallocation. Fourth, economic freedom permits large and rapid increases in scale by financial markets and corporate organizations; central planners lack the flexibility to make large-scale changes rapidly. Finally, because of sophisticated contractual protections, individuals and corporations are willing to take great risks; central planners are risk-averse because of their personal vulnerability if things go wrong. Much of the contemporary critique of neoliberalism, especially as it relates to economics, is traceable to the work of Karl Polanyi and his 1944 book The Great Transformation: the Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. He is the great critic of a limited focus on the economy, especially the focus of economic liberalism on the self-regulating, or unregulated, market, as well as on basing all on self-interest. In his view, these are not universal principles, but rather were unprecedented developments associated with the advent of capitalism. Polanyi shows that the laissez-faire system came into existence with the help of the state and it was able continue to function as a result of state actions. Furthermore, if the laissez-faire system was left to itself, it threatened to destroy society. Indeed, it was such threats, as well as real dangers, that led to counterreactions by society and the state (e.g. socialism, communism, the New Deal) to protect themselves from the problems of a free market, especially protection of its products and of those who labored in it. The expansion of the laissez-faire market and the reaction against it is called the double movement. While economic liberalism saw such counter-reactions (including any form of protectionism) as "mistakes" that disrupted the operation of the economic markets, Polanyi saw them as necessary and desirable reactions to the evils of the free market. Polanyi pointed to "the inherent absurdity of the idea of a self-regulating market." He also described as mythical the liberal idea that socialists, communists, New Dealers, and so on were involved in a conspiracy against liberalism and the free market. 4

Rather than being a conspiracy, what took place was a natural, a "spontaneous," collective reaction by society and its various elements that were threatened by the free market. In his time, Polanyi sees a reversal of the tendency for the economic system to dominate society: "Within the nations we are witnessing a development under which the economic system ceases to lay down the law to society and the primacy of society over that system is secured." This promised to end the evils produced by the dominance of the free market system, and also to produce more, rather than less, freedom. That is, Polanyi believed that collective planning and control would produce more freedom, more freedom for all, than was then available in the liberal economic system. 5

David Harvey argues that among the problems with neoliberalism as a theory is the fact that it assumes that everyone in the world wants very narrow and specific types of economic wellbeing (to be well-off economically, if not rich) and political freedom (democracy). The fact is that there are great cultural differences in the ways in which wellbeing (e.g. not to have to work very hard) and freedom (e.g. to be unfettered by the state even if it is not democratically chosen) are defined. Neoliberalism very often comes down to the North, the US, and/or global organizations (e.g. World Bank, International Monetary Fund) seeking to impose their definitions of wellbeing and freedom on other parts of the world. Furthermore, there is great variation on this among individuals in each of these societies, with the result that these definitions are different from at least some of theirs, but are nonetheless imposed on them. Another problem lies in the fact that the theory conceals or obscures the social and material interests of those who push such an economic system with its associated technological, legal, and institutional systems. These are not being pursued because everyone in the world wants them or will benefit from them, but because some, usually in the North, are greatly advantaged by them and therefore push them. Harvey offers a number of other criticisms of neoliberalism including the fact that it has produced financial crises in various countries throughout the world (e.g. Mexico, Argentina, and now globally); its economic record has been dismal since it has redistributed wealth (from poor to rich) rather than generating new wealth; it has commodified everything; it has helped


to degrade the environment; and so on. Furthermore, there are signs that it is failing such as deficit financing in the US and China, symptoms of more immediate crisis (e.g. burgeoning budget deficits, the bailout of financial institutions, the current recession), and evidence that US global hegemony is crumbling. Aiwha Ong makes an important contribution to our thinking about neoliberalism by distinguishing between neoliberalism as exception and exceptions to neoliberalism. One example of neoliberalism as exception involves the creation in various parts of the world of special economic zones which are largely separated from the rest of society and free from government control, and within which the market is given more-or-less free reign. These are "exceptions" because the market is not nearly as free elsewhere in society. For example, early in its move way from a communist economic system, China set up "special economic zones" and "special administrative regions" (as well as "urban development zones") characterized by "special spaces of labor markets, investment opportunities, and relative administrative freedom." While the state retained formal control over these zones, de facto power rested with multinational corporations (MNCs) that set up shop within them. It was those corporations that controlled 6

migration into the zones as well as the ways in which people in the zones lived and worked. Ong calls the political result of constructing these zones graduated sovereignty. That is, instead of governing the entire geographic area of the nation-state, the national government retains full control in some areas, but surrenders various degrees of control in others to corporations and other entities. While the creation of these zones may bring a series of economic advantages, it also can create problems for the nation-state that is no longer in full control of its own borders. (This is yet another indication of the decline of the nation-state: see chapter 6.) Ong is primarily concerned with neoliberalism as exception, but she also deals with exceptions to neoliberalism. These can be double-edged. On the one hand, such exceptions can be used by the state to protect its citizens from the ravages of neoliberalism. For example, subsidized housing can be maintained even if a city's budgetary practices come to be dominated by neoliberal entities and processes. On the other hand, they can be used to worsen the effects of neoliberalism. For example, corporations can exclude certain groups (e.g. migrant workers) from improvements in the standard of living associated with a market-driven economy.


Edward Cody, " N o Joint European Strategy on

Beacon, 1944, 145. This much quoted observation

Banks." Washington Post October 5, 2008: A20.

has been reworded in the edition excerpted in the





present book.

"Chapter 2: Freedom versus


Collectivism in Foreign A i d . " Economic Freedom of



Ibid., 251. Aiwha Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception: Mutations

the World: 2006 Annual Report 35.

in Citizenship and Sovereignty. Durham, NO. Duke

Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: the Political

University Press, 2006, 19.

and Economic Origins of Our Time. Boston, MA:

F r e e d o m versus Collectivism i n F o r e i g n A i d

Freedom versus Collectivism in Foreign Aid William Easterly 1 The New Collectivism Marx was right about at least one thing: "History repeats itself, first as tragedy, second as farce." The 2 1 century has seen a farcical version of the collectivist Utopian fantasies that led to such disasters in the 2 0 century. Fortunately, the new collectivism is far more tepid - less extreme, less powerful, and less coercive than the ideologies that caused so much tragedy in the Communist bloc in the 2 0 century. The collapse of communism in Europe with the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the great success of the movement away from central planning towards markets in other places like China and Vietnam that remain nominally Communist (along with the poverty of the unrepentant Communist states in Cuba and North Korea) discredited the Communist notion of comprehensive central planning once and for all. Yet, by an irony that is not so amusing for its intended beneficiaries, the new farcical collectivism is still alive for the places that can afford it the least - the poorest nations in the world that receive foreign aid. Instead of the Berlin Wall, we have an "Aid Wall," behind which poor nations are supposed to achieve their escape from poverty through a collective, top-down plan. Instead of the individual freedom to prosper in markets, the successful approach of the nations that are now rich, the poor must let the international experts devise the collective solution to their miseries. st



I have [...] gradually come to understand through my scientific research and on the ground advisory work the awesome power in our generation's hands to end the massive suffering of the extreme poor [...] Although introductory economics textbooks preach individualism and decentralized markets, our safety and prosperity depend at least as much on collective decisions to fight disease, promote good science and widespread education, provide critical infrastructure, and act in unison to help the poorest of the poor [...] Collective action, through effective government provision of health, education, infrastructure, as well as foreign assistance when needed, underpins economic success. Sachs says that each poor country should have five plans, such as an "Investment Plan, which shows the size, timing, and costs of the required investments" and a "Financial Plan to fund the Investment Plan, including the calculation of the Millennium Development Goals Financing Gap, the portion of financial needs the donors will have to fill." These plans will be helpfully supported by the "international community": each low income country should have the benefit of a united and effective United Nations country team, which coordinates in one place the work of the UN specialized agencies, the IMF, and the World Bank. In each country, the UN country team should be led by a single United Nations resident coordinator, who reports to the United Nations Development Program, who in turn reports to the UN secretary-general.

Jeffrey Sachs and The End of Poverty Lest you think 1 exaggerate, consider some of the statements of the most prominent and extreme spokesman of the new collectivism for poor nations, Jeffrey Sachs. In his 2005 book, The End of Poverty, he says in the opening pages:

Everything will fit together in one great global plan run by "the UN Secretary General, [who] should ensure that the global compact is put into operation". Like his collectivist predecessors, Sachs sees the achievement of prosperity as mostly a technical problem: "I believe the single most important reason why

W i l l i a m Easterly

prosperity spread, and why it continues to spread, is the transmission of technologies and the ideas underlying them [...] science-based ideas to organize production". "Africa's problems [...] are [...] solvable with practical and proven technologies". He sees one kind of scientific expert - the medical doctor - as the model for how to solve the problems of poverty: Development economics today is not like modern medicine, but it should strive to be so. It can improve dramatically if development economists take on some of the key lessons of modern medicine, both in the development of the underlying science and in the systematization of clinical practice, the point where science is brought to bear on a particular patient. Of course, there are such things as public goods, which require solving a collective action problem to supply them. There is a role for government to supply such goods. However, Sachs (and the other collective approaches described below) seem to make little distinction between a lack of public goods and a lack of private goods, which is called poverty.

T h e United Nations' Millennium Development Goals The United Nations is the main official sponsor of today's collectivist fantasies. These are called the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), described on the United Nation's web site as follows: The eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) which range from halving extreme poverty to halting the spread of HIV/AIDS and providing universal primary education, all by the target date of 2015 form a blueprint agreed to by all the world's countries and all the world's leading development institutions. They have galvanized unprecedented efforts to meet the needs of the world's poorest. Secretary-General Kofi Annan uses the collectivist "we": We will have time to reach the Millennium Development Goals - worldwide and in most, or even all, individual countries - but only if we break with business as usual. We cannot win overnight. Success will

require sustained action across the entire decade between now and the deadline. It takes time to train the teachers, nurses and engineers; to build the roads, schools and hospitals; to grow the small and large businesses able to create the jobs and income needed. So we must start now. And we must more than double global development assistance over the next few years. Nothing less will help to achieve the Goals. The Secretary-General uses "grow" as an active verb applied to business, something that "we must start now." Somehow collective action will create jobs and income, as opposed to the decentralized efforts of individual entrepreneurs and firms operating in free markets. Insofar as the MDG campaign mentions private entrepreneurs, they are "partners" subject to "our" resolve: We resolve further: [...] To develop and implement strategies that give young people everywhere a real chance to find decent and productive work [...] To develop strong partnerships with the private sector and with civil society organizations in pursuit of development and poverty eradication. Part of the reason for this campaign is not just to help the world's poor, but to help the UN, as Kofi Annan made clear at the September 2005 World Summit on the MDGs: "it is also a chance to revitalize the United Nations itself." In this it has been successful, at least at the World Bank and the IMF. These two organizations have long preached the virtues of free markets and ignored UN bureaucrats preaching statist rhetoric. Inexplicably, the World Bank and IMF have since 2000 embraced the UN MDG exercise and a lot of its planning. An OECD-DAC document explains this palace coup in favor of collectivist planning as follows. In the 1990s, the field of international development entered an era of reform and reformulation as the disparities between rich and poor countries increased. World leaders, in collaboration with the UN and other multilateral institutions, recognized the need for drastic measures to ensure that developing countries benefited from globalization and that development assistance funds were used equitably and effectively to achieve the global development aims embodied in the

F r e e d o m versus Collectivism i n F o r e i g n A i d

Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and other national development goals.

and antipoverty strategies. International agencies may support this process with technical assistance.

In their Global Monitoring Report 2006: Millennium Development Goals: Strengthening Mutual Accountability, Aid, Trade, and Governance, the IMF and World Bank make clear their embrace of the whole MDG planning exercise: "Donors and the international financial institutions must increase aid flows, improve aid quality, and better align their support with country strategies and systems." How would this be done? The World Bank and IMF reaffirm a commitment to "accountability for achieving results," which they note was already reaffirmed four years earlier in the UN Monterrey Summit. On the same page, the report notes without irony that "international financial institutions [such as the World Bank and IMF] still emphasize loans and reports rather than development outcomes." They are still having some difficulty, as a few pages later they cannot keep themselves from emphasizing loans, apologizing that "in 2005 lending through the concessional and non-concessional windows of the MDBs declined."

In sector programs and projects, partner countries and development agencies use MfDR in planning assistance programs or individual projects that are based on country outcomes and priorities defined in national or sector development plans.

They plan to change their ways by "Implementing the results agenda":

It doesn't get any better reading the rest of the MfDR Sourcebook. In [a] table [in] the MfDR Sourcebook is the sensible principle: "Keep results measurement and reporting as simple, cost-effective, and user-friendly as possible." [Shown here] is an excerpt from the table giving the recipe for simple, cost-effective, and userfriendly results measurement and reporting. The old collectivists were lethal; the new collectivists just bury life and death issues under six layers of bureaucracy. Examples of tools being used to m a n a g e for results in d e v e l o p m e n t agencies M & E systems, plans and guidelines (incorporating MIS) A u d i t a n d risk m a n a g e m e n t frameworks Performance measurement frameworks Program/project monitoring frameworks

The 2004 Marrakech Roundtable on Results called for a monitoring system to assess the results orientation of the multilateral development banks (MDBs); that system is COMPAS, the Common Performance Assessment System, which draws on MDB frameworks and action plans to implement managing for development results (MfDR).

Managing for Development Results ( M f D R ) Exactly what is MfDR? It is summed up in Managing for Development Results Principles in Action: Sourcebook on Emerging Good Practice (MfDR Sourcebook), prepared by the OECD and the World Bank. To clear up any confusion, the MfDR Sourcebook notes that "Performance management is a holistic, cultural change." When it does get a tad more concrete, MfDR seems to involve a lot of central planning, such as the following: At the national level, MfDR is used in the planning and implementation of results-based national plans, budgets,

Audit guidelines a n d tools Evaluation guidelines a n d tools Risk analysis guidelines a n d tools Training and guidelines for indicator design, data collection, and analysis

All the MDG planners use the word "accountability" frequently, but without understanding what "accountability" is. Unlike the individual accountability that each producer faces in free markets (you satisfy the customers or you go out of business), the MDG exercise has something called "mutual accountability." This murky notion appears to involve accountability, not to the intended beneficiaries, but to the other bureaucracies involved in the MDG plan, all of whom have a stake in the current system continuing regardless of results. Instead of individual accountability, we have collective responsibility: "Development agencies are creating results-based country assistance strategies in close dialogue with national governments [...] During

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this process, multiple agencies negotiate a process for working together to support country outcomes." A system in which everyone (multiple agencies and governments) are collectively responsible is equivalent to one in which nobody is individually responsible. If there are disappointing results, you can always blame someone else. Collective responsibility is to accountability what collective farms are to individual property rights.

2 Freedom versus Collectivism in Economic Development: the Empirical Record The empirical record on the difference between the economic performance of freedom and that of collectivism is fairly clear to anybody following events of the last half century. There was a period from the 1930s through the 1950s when the rapid growth of the Soviet Union (since found to have been greatly exaggerated) made observers unsure as to which system delivered superior economic results. Unfortunately, these were the formative years of development economics and foreign aid policies, which led many of the early development economists to recommend that poor countries imitate the collectivist model, stressing forced saving and investment to achieve growth, and to advocate national economic planning (somewhere in the netherworld in between central planning and free markets). Although the World Bank and the IMF had abandoned central planning as the recommended approach to poor countries by the 1980s, foreign aid has never been able to shake its collectivist origins. For one thing, the World Bank and the IMF continued to function as large planning organizations; it was just that now the top-down expert-driven plans included adoption of freemarket liberalization (known as "structural adjustment"). The top-down planning by foreign experts and bureaucrats of how you should implement free markets did not lead to good results in the areas where it was most intensively practiced Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, and (ironically) the former Soviet Union. This led to the unfortunate backlash against free markets that we are seeing today in many parts of those regions. The aid organizations retreated for self-protection into the MDG planning exercise described in the first section.

This is ironic, because the fall of the Berlin Wall and more access to information about the Soviet Union and its satellites made clear just how badly the most extreme version of collectivism had failed. Even prior to this, it was rather obvious that free societies were dramatically out-performing collectivist ones, as the most casual acquaintance with comparisons between East and West Germany, North and South Korea, or between the Soviet Union and the United States made clear.

T h e correlation between e c o n o m i c success and e c o n o m i c freedom Today, long after the collapse of communism, there is still a huge amount of variation from free to unfree societies. To formalize the obvious, economic success is strongly correlated with economic freedom. I use the 2002 measure published in Economic Freedom of the World: 2004 Annual Report to match the last year for which a large sample of data on income is available. Of course, there is a large problem of potential reverse causality - richer people might demand more economic freedom. Critics of the measures published in Economic Freedom of the World also might allege that they are constructed by those with strong prior beliefs that economic freedom is associated with prosperity and, hence, the indices might be unconsciously skewed to give higher scores to countries known to be success stories. (I don't know of any reason to doubt the Index published in Economic Freedom of the World, which uses only third-party data and includes no subjective judgments, but I bend over backwards to anticipate possible critiques.) Any such skewing would introduce a second kind of reverse causality. To address these possible objections, I show an instrumental variables regression in Table 1. Since the institutions of economic freedom originated in Europe and then spread to other temperate regions where Europeans settled (with some exceptions), I use distance from the equator as one instrument for economic freedom. Since different legal traditions (especially the British) favored economic freedom while others did not (obviously the socialist legal tradition), I use legal origin as another set of instruments for freedom. The test statistics on the validity of the instruments are mostly satisfactory, and we still show a very strong association between economic freedom and per-capita income.

F r e e d o m versus Collectivism i n F o r e i g n A i d

Table 1 IV regression of log per-capita income (Ipcy) in 2002 on economic f r e e d o m ratings Ipcy2002 Economic f r e e d o m in t h e w o r l d , 2002 (from Economic Freedom of the World:

1.343 (8.48)**

2004 Annual Report) Constant

-0.495 (-0.47)


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Sargan over-identification test: p-value


First-stage F-statistic on excluded


instruments Instruments for economic freedom: distance from equator, British, French, Socialist, or German legal origin. * Significant at 5 % ; ** significant at 1 % .

The "poverty trap" and the "big push"

An economy with twice the capital stock per person means an economy with roads that work the year round, rather than roads that are washed out each rainy season; electrical power that is reliable twentyfour hours each day, rather than electric power that is sporadic and unpredictable; workers who are healthy and at their jobs, rather than workers who are chronically absent with disease. The likelihood is that doubling the human and physical capital stock will actually more than double the income level, at least at very low levels of capital per person.

Sachs gives the example of a road with half of the road paved and half impassable due to missing bridges or washed out sections. Repairing the impassable sections would double the length of road but would much more than double the output from the road. "This is an example of a threshold effect, in which the capital stock becomes useful only when it meets a minimum standard."

Although economic freedom seems well established as a path to prosperity, advocates of collectivist solutions to world poverty allege that poor countries are in a "poverty trap." The poverty trap would prevent poor nations from experiencing economic growth even if they do have economic freedom, requiring a collectivist rescue operation. It is, again, Sachs who is the leading exponent of the "poverty trap" hypothesis. In The End of Poverty, he suggests three principal mechanisms. The first is that poor people do not save enough.

The role of foreign aid is to increase the capital stock enough to cross the threshold level, in what became known as "the Big Push": "if the foreign assistance is substantial enough, and lasts long enough, the capital stock rises sufficiently to lift households above subsistence [..-.] Growth becomes self-sustaining through household savings and public investments supported by taxation of households." Without foreign aid, according to Sachs, "many reasonably well governed countries are too poor to make the investments to climb the first steps of the ladder."

When people are [...] utterly destitute, they need their entire income, or more, just to survive. There is no margin of income above survival that can be invested for the future. This is the main reason why the poorest of the poor are most prone to becoming trapped with low or negative economic growth rates. They are too poor to save for the future and thereby accumulate the capital that could pull them out of their current misery.

Even before testing this hypothesis, it is worth noting that these ideas are not new. In fact, they were part of the founding ideas of development economics in the 1940s and 1950s and development economists used them to insist foreign aid was necessary for economic growth then, just as Sachs does now half a century later. After $568 billion in aid to Africa combined with the continent's economic stagnation over the past four decades, combined with the success of poor countries getting much smaller amounts of aid as a percent of their income in East Asia, one might have thought a little skepticism was in order before repeating the ideas of the 1950s.

Sachs' second reason for a poverty trap "is a demographic trap, when impoverished families choose to have lots of children." Population growth is so high that it outpaces saving (which was already too low, according to the first reason). The third element is increasing returns to capital at low initial capital per person (and low income per person):

Given the publicity that these revived, old ideas about foreign aid are receiving, let us test the hypothesis of the poverty trap and the necessity of the "Big

W i l l i a m Easterly

Table 2 Test of poverty-trap a n d economic-freedom hypotheses for economic g r o w t h Instrumental variables

D e p e n d e n t variable: per-


capita g r o w t h , 1960-2002

Economic f r e e d o m in t h e w o r l d ,


a v e r a g e d over 1970-2002


Log of initial per-capita income

-0.014 (2.21)*


0.001 (-0.05)



S a r g a n over-identification test: p-value


First-stage F-statistic on excluded instruments


Instruments for economic freedom: distance from equator, British, French, Socialist, or German legal origin. * Significant at 5 % ; ** significant at 1 %.

Push" against the explanation that countries prosper because of economic freedom. The poverty-trap hypothesis would say that poor countries have low growth and rich countries have high growth, so there would be a positive association between initial income and growth. This positive association should hold up when we control for whether the country is "reasonably well governed" (such as whether the government facilitates economic freedom). So I do a regression combining economic freedom with initial income; as before I need to instrument for economic freedom to address possible reverse causality. A high value of (the average level of) economic freedom relative to initial income indicates that income potential is high (if the economicfreedom hypothesis is correct) compared to actual income and so would predict faster growth. The results are shown in Table 2. The poverty-trap hypothesis loses out decisively to the economic-freedom explanation as to who prospers. Actually, initially poor countries grow faster than rich ones, once you control for economic freedom. What about the role of foreign aid in launching the growth out of poverty? Does a "Big Push" of foreign aid lead to growth? There is a huge empirical literature on foreign aid and growth, with the latest verdicts being that foreign aid does not have any measurable impact on growth. I go back to the well one more time

to see how aid flows affect the simple hypothesis testing introduced in Table 2. In Table 3, I add foreign aid received as a ratio to Gross National Income of the recipient as an explanatory variable. Once again, there is the problem of reverse causality. I use the log of population size as an instrument for aid, taking advantage of a quirk in the aid system such that small countries receive large shares of their income as aid, unrelated to their economic performance or needs. Instrumenting for two right-hand-side variables at once leads to more complicated problems of identification and weak instruments, so let us treat this exercise as illustrative rather than definitive. Controlling only for initial income and not for economic freedom, aid has no significant effect on economic growth. Once you control for economic freedom, aid has a negative and significant effect on growth. I am hesitant to stress this result too strongly, as the previous literature has generally found a zero effect of aid on growth, not negative. Much greater robustness testing is needed before the negative result can be taken too seriously, and the problem of weak instruments also needs much more examination. At the very least, however, this illustrative exercise is consistent with the previous literature that aid does not have a. positive effect on growth.

F r e e d o m versus Collectivism i n F o r e i g n A i d

Table 3 Per-capita g r o w t h 1960-2002 as function of aid, initial income, a n d economic f r e e d o m : instrumental variables regressions Regression 1 A i d / G N I 1960-2001

-0.001 (-1.43)

Log of initial income, 1960

-0.001 (-0.29)

Economic f r e e d o m in t h e w o r l d . a v e r a g e d 1970-2002

Regression 2 -0.003 (3.32)** -0.024 (2.68)** 0.024 (2.09)*

Constant Observations






S a r g a n over-identification test:

65 0.5718

p-value Instrument for aid: log of population in 1980. Instruments for economic freedom: distance from equator, British, French, Socialist, or German legal origin. * Significant at 5 % ; ** significant at 1 %.

3 Hayek and the iPod: Why a World of Uneven and Unpredictable Economic Success Needs Economic Freedom What the collectivist vision always misses is that success is rare, failure is common. Economic success is always very uneven and unpredictable, across almost any possible unit of analysis one might consider. Economic freedom permits the decentralized search for success that is the hallmark of free markets. It is seldom known in advance what will succeed. Many thousands of searchers mount myriads of different trials as to what will please consumers. A free-market system gives rapid feedback as to which products are succeeding and which are not, and searchers adjust accordingly. Those activities that succeed attract more financing and more factors of production so that they can be scaled up enormously; those activities that fail to please consumers are discontinued. Planners don't have a search-and-feedback mentality; rather, they implement a preconceived notion of what will work and keep implementing it whether it is working or not. Economic success stories are often unexpected and unpredicted. MP3 players were invented several years ago and seemed to offer great promise as a great new

way for music lovers to listen to large amounts of their favorite music. Despite this promise, none of the early MP3 players caught consumers' fancy. (I was an "early adopter," buying one of these at a high price so I could see it die quickly.) Apple Computer, Inc., was known mainly for its strange failures in the PC market. It was a surprise when Apple Computer suddenly found a huge hit in the iPod mobile digital device, which as of March 2006 had 7 8 % of the market for MP3 players. So far, Apple has sold 50 million iPods. The matching iTunes application program for selling songs on-line via download to an iPod accounts for 87% of the legal music downloads in the United States. Ray Kroc was a salesman in the 1950s peddling Multimixers, a machine that mixed six milk shakes at a time. His original idea was to sell as many Multimixers as possible. In 1954, he visited a restaurant called "McDonald's" in San Bernadino, California. He noticed that the McDonald brothers kept eight Multimixers operating at full capacity around the clock. At first, he wanted to recommend their methods to his other clients, increasing the demand for his Multimixers. But then he changed his mind: he saw that preparing hamburgers, fries, and milk shakes on an assembly line was a way to run a successful chain of fast-food restaurants. He forgot all about Multimixers and the rest is


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Golden Arches stretching as far as the eye can see. How many Ray Krocs has foreign aid lost by its emphasis on Plans? Many consumer markets in the United States are similarly dominated by a small number of successful brands. The Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola companies together have 7 5 % of the American market for carbonated soft drinks. Dr Pepper/Seven Up is in third place with another 15%. The remaining 10% of the market is split up among a large number of much smaller firms. Casual observation suggests many examples of brand dominance: Microsoft*, Starbucks , , Borders*, Barnes and Noble", and so on. While brand dominance may reflect many factors about industrial organization, it also shows the incredible unevenness of product success associated with particular firms (as we will see in a minute), perhaps reflecting the kind of serendipity illustrated by the iPod and McDonald's*. 8


The uneven success of products is closely related to the uneven success of firms. Just 0.3% of firms in the United States accounted for 6 5 % of all firm sales in 2002. Firm size is well known to follow Zipf's law (also known as a power law), in which the log of the size is a negative linear function of the frequency of this size occurring (or equivalently the rank). Power laws have generated a lot of hype; for the purposes of this paper, it is enough to point out how large-scale success is rare, while failure is common. In other words, the frequency distribution of firms (or whatever unit we are interested in) has a fat and long right-hand side tail, of which there are many special cases such as a log-normal distribution and a power law (Pareto distribution). In other words, most of the distribution is concentrated at some mediocre level, then there are a small number of firms that are just totally off the charts - way above what something like a standard bell curve would predict. Even though large firms dominate the marketplace, it is not so easy to be a large firm. Of the world's largest 100 companies in 1912, some like Procter & Gamble* and British Petroleum were many times larger in 1995. However, they were the exception, as 1912's big 100 firms also included such dinosaurs as Central Leather and Cudahy Packing in the United States. Only 19 of the top 100 in 1912 were still in the top 100 in 1995, and 48 of 1912's big 100 had disappeared altogether by 1995. Business books lay out the secrets for success of a few large companies celebrated by the author, only

to see the firms fall upon hard times after the book is published. Business writers celebrated Enron* for its innovative approach right up to the last minute. Even the most successful business gurus have their embarrassments: Tom Peters' 1982 mega-best-seller, In Search of Excellence, included among its celebrated companies some that would later go bankrupt such as Atari Corporation, Wang Laboratories, and Delta Air Lines. The difficulty of achieving and maintaining success is not peculiar to large firms. Every year about 10% of existing firms of all sizes go out of business. Not that it is so easy to start a new firm to replace the ones that go out of business. More than half of new firms fail within four years of the founding in the United States. The economic success and failure of individuals is also well known to follow the same skewed tendencies. The distribution of individual income within countries generally follows a log-normal distribution for most of the range of income (covering 9 7 - 9 9 percent of individuals), with a power law covering the upper 1-3 percent of income earners. Moving to international data, economic development is of course spectacularly uneven across countries, as well as across time. Observations of high average income are confined to a few countries in recent periods, with large parts of the world and large parts of human history bereft of this kind of success. A small minority of episodes attain very high income but this falls off almost vertically as we move down the ranks.

Manufacturing exports per capita An indicator of development that shows even greater variation across countries is manufacturing exports per capita. This reflects many different factors: the transition from agriculture to manufacturing as countries develop, the many factors that influence openness to international trade and competitiveness in international markets, the gravity model of trade flows, and so on. At some more basic level than as a trade indicator, however, manufacturing exports reflects something that all countries can potentially do, and they are all competing in the same global marketplace. As an indicator, it also has the advantage of being evaluated at world market prices, unlike national incomes with different domestic prices, which are notoriously difficult to compare. Moreover, manufacturing exports are

F r e e d o m versus Collectivism i n F o r e i g n A i d

overwhelmingly dominated by the private sector and face a market test, unlike some of the components of GDP, such as a large government sector that is measured at cost rather than according to the value that individuals place on it. Success at exporting manufactures ranges all the way from Singapore's over $25,000 per capita to Burundi's 2

Grobal Figure 2 The relationship b e t w e e n glocal-grobal a n d something-nothing w i t h exemplary (non-)places, (non-)things, (non-)persons, a n d (non-)services

They represent a key point of tension and conflict in the world today. Clearly, there is great pressure to grobalize nothing, and often all that stands in its way in terms of achieving global hegemony is the glocalization of something. We will return to this conflict and its implications below. While the other two quadrants (two and three) are clearly residual in nature and of secondary importance, it is necessary to recognize that there is, at least to some degree, a glocalization of nothing (quadrant two) and a grobalization of something (quadrant three). Whatever tensions may exist between them are of far less significance than that between the grobalization of nothing and the glocalization of something. However, a discussion of the glocalization of nothing and the grobalization of something makes it clear that grobalization is not an unmitigated source of nothing (it can involve something) and that glocalization is not to be seen solely as a source of something (it can involve nothing). The close and centrally important relationship between (1) grobalization and nothing and (2) glocalization and something leads to the view that there is an elective affinity between the two elements of each of these pairs. The idea of elective affinity, derived from the historical comparative sociology of Max Weber, is meant to imply that there is not a necessary, law-like

causal relationship between these elements. That is, neither in the case of grobalization and nothing nor that of glocalization and something does one of these elements "cause" the other to come into existence. Rather, the development and diffusion of one tends to go hand in hand with the other. Another way of putting this is that grobalization/nothing and glocalization/something tend to mutually favor one another; they are inclined to combine with one another. Thus, it is far easier to grobalize nothing than something: the development of grobalization creates a favorable ground for the development and spread of nothing (and nothing is easily grobalized). Similarly, it is far easier to glocalize something than nothing: the development of glocalization creates a favorable ground for the development and proliferation of something (and something is easily glocalized). However, the situation is more complex than this, since we can also see support for the argument that grobalization can, at times, involve something (e.g., art exhibits that move among art galleries throughout the world; Italian exports of food such as ParmigianoReggiano and Culatello ham; touring symphony orchestras and rock bands that perform in venues throughout the world) and that glocalization can sometimes involve nothing (e.g., the production of

Rethinking Globalization

local souvenirs and trinkets for tourists from around the world). However, we would not argue that there is an elective affinity between grobalization and something and between glocalization and nothing. The existence of examples of the grobalization of something and the glocalization of nothing makes it clear why we need to think in terms of elective affinities and not law-like relationships.

The Grobalization of Something Some types of something have been grobalized to a considerable degree. For example, gourmet foods, handmade crafts, custom-made clothes, and Rolling Stones concerts are now much more available throughout the world, and more likely to move transnationally, than ever in history. In a very specific example in the arts, a touring series of "Silk Road" concerts recently brought together Persian artists and music, an American symphony orchestra, and Rimsky-Korsakov's (Russian) "Scheherezade." Returning to Figure 2, we have used as examples of the grobalization of something touring art exhibitions (thing) of the works of Vincent van Gogh, the museums throughout the world in which such exhibitions occur (place), the knowledgeable guides who show visitors the highlights of the exhibition (person), and the detailed information and insights they are able to impart in response to questions from gallery visitors (service). In spite of the existence of examples like these, why is there comparatively little affinity between grobalization and something? First, there is simply far less demand throughout the world for most forms of something, at least in comparison to the demand for nothing. One reason for this is that the distinctiveness of something tends to appeal to far more limited tastes than nothing, be it gourmet foods, handmade crafts, or Rolling Stones or Silk Road concerts. Second, the complexity of something, especially the fact that it is likely to have many different elements, means that it is more likely that it will have at least some characteristics that will be off-putting for or will even offend large numbers of people in many different cultures. For example, a Russian audience at a Silk Road concert might be bothered by the juxtaposition of Persian music with that of Rimsky-Korsakov. Third, the various forms of

something are usually more expensive - frequently much more expensive - than competing forms of nothing (gourmet food is much more costly than fast food). Higher cost means, of course, that far fewer people can afford something. As a result, the global demand for expensive forms of something is minuscule in comparison to that for the inexpensive varieties of nothing. Fourth, because the prices are high and the demand is comparatively low, far less can be spent on the advertising and marketing of something, which serves to keep demand low. Fifth, something is far more difficult to mass-manufacture and, in some cases (Silk Road concerts, van Gogh exhibitions), impossible to produce in this way. Sixth, since the demand for something is less price-sensitive than nothing (the relatively small number of people who can afford it are willing, and often able, to pay almost any price), there is less need to mass-manufacture it (assuming it could be produced in this way) in order to lower prices. Seventh, the costs of shipping (insurance, careful packing and packaging, special transports) of something (gourmet foods, the van Gogh paintings) are usually very high, adding to the price and thereby reducing the demand. It could also be argued that the fact that the grobalization of something (compared to nothing) occurs to a lesser degree helps to distinguish something from nothing. Because it is relatively scarce, something retains its status and its distinction from nothing. If something came to be mass-produced and grobalized, it is likely that it would move toward the nothing end of the continuum. This raises the intriguing question of what comes first - nothing, or grobalization and the associated mass production. That is, does a phenomenon start out as nothing? Or is it transformed into nothing by mass production and grobalization? We will return to this issue below.

The Grobalization of Nothing The example of the grobalization of nothing in Figure 2 is a trip to one of Disney's worlds. Any of Disney's worlds is a nonplace, awash with a wide range of nonthings (such as mouse-ear hats), staffed largely by nonpeople (the "cast members," in costume or out), who offer nonservices (what is offered is often dictated

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by rules, regulations, and the scripts followed by employees). The main reasons for the strong elective affinity between grobalization and nothing are basically the inverse of the reasons for the lack of such affinity between grobalization and something. Above all, there is a far greater demand throughout the world for nothing than something. This is the case because nothing tends to be less expensive than something (although this is not always true), with the result that more people can afford the former than the latter. Large numbers of people are also far more likely to want the various forms of nothing, because their comparative simplicity and lack of distinctiveness appeals to a wide range of tastes. In addition, as pointed out earlier, that which is nothing - largely devoid of distinctive content - is far less likely to bother or offend those in other cultures. Finally, because of the far greater potential sales, much more money can be and is - devoted to the advertising and marketing of nothing, thereby creating a still greater demand for it than for something. Given the great demand, it is far easier to massproduce and mass-distribute the empty forms of nothing than the substantively rich forms of something. Indeed, many forms of something lend themselves best to limited, if not one-of-a-kind, production. A skilled potter may produce a few dozen pieces of pottery and an artist a painting or two in, perhaps, a week, a month, or even (a) year(s). While these craft and artworks may, over time, move from owner to owner in various parts of the world, this traffic barely registers in the total of global trade and commerce. Of course, there are the rare masterpieces that may bring millions of dollars, but in the main these are small-ticket items. In contrast, thousands, even many millions, and sometimes billions of varieties of nothing are mass-produced and sold throughout the globe. Thus, the global sale of Coca-Cola, Whoppers, Benetton sweaters, Gucci bags, and even Rolex watches is a far greater factor in grobalization than is the international sale of pieces of high art or of tickets to the Rolling Stones' most recent world tour. Furthermore, the various forms of nothing can range in cost from a dollar or two to thousands, even tens of thousands of dollars. The cumulative total is enormous and infinitely greater than the global trade in something.

Furthermore, the economics of the marketplace demands that the massive amount of nothing that is produced be marketed and sold on a grobal basis. For one thing, the economies of scale mean that the more that is produced and sold, the lower the price. This means that, almost inevitably, American producers of nothing (and they are, by far, the world leaders in this) must become dissatisfied with the American market, no matter how vast it is, and aggressively pursue a world market for their consumer products. The greater the grobal market, the lower the price that can be charged. This, in turn, means that even greater numbers of nothing can be sold and farther reaches of the globe in less-developed countries can be reached. Another economic factor stems from the demand of the stock market that corporations that produce and sell nothing (indeed, all corporations) increase sales and profits from one year to the next. Those corporations that simply meet the previous year's profitability or experience a decline are likely to be punished in the stock market and see their stock prices fall, sometimes precipitously. In order to increase profits continually, the corporation is forced, as Marx understood long ago, to continue to search out new markets. One way of doing that is constantly to expand globally. In contrast, since something is less likely to be produced by corporations certainly by the large corporations listed in the stock market - there is far less pressure to expand the market for it. In any case, as we saw above, given the limited number of these things that can be produced by artisans, skilled chefs, artists, and so on, there are profound limits on such expansion. This, in turn, brings us back to the pricing issue and relates to the price advantage that nothing ordinarily has over something. As a general rule, the various types of nothing cost far less than something. The result, obviously, is that nothing can be marketed globally far more aggressively than something. Also, nothing has an advantage in terms of transportation around the world. These are things that generally can be easily and efficiently packaged and moved, often over vast areas. Lunchables, for example, are compact, prepackaged lunch foods, largely for schoolchildren, that require no refrigeration and have a long shelf life. Furthermore, because the unit cost of such items is low, it is of no great consequence if they go awry, are lost, or are stolen. In contrast, it is more difficult and expensive to package something - say, a

Rethinking Globalization

piece of handmade pottery or an antique vase - and losing such things or having them stolen or broken is a disaster. As a result, it is far more expensive to insure something than nothing, and this difference is another reason for the cost advantage that nothing has over something. It is these sorts of things that serve to greatly limit the global trade in items that can be included under the heading of something. It is important to remember that while most of our examples in this section are nonthings, it is the case that nonplaces (franchises), nonpeople (counterpeople in fast-food chains), and nonservices (automatic teller machines - ATMs) are also being grobalized. While the grobalization of nothing dominates in the arena of consumption as it is generally defined, we find domains - medicine, science, pharmaceuticals, biotechnology, education, and others - in which the grobalization of something is of far greater importance. While these areas have experienced their share of the grobalization of nothing, they are also characterized by a high degree of the grobalization of something. For example, the worldwide scientific community benefits from the almost instantaneous distribution of important scientific findings, often, these days, via new journals on the Internet. Thus, our focus on the grobalization of nothing should not blind us to the existence and importance - especially in areas such as these - of the grobalization of something.

The Glocalization of Nothing Just as there has historically been a tendency to romanticize and glorify the local, there has been a similar trend in recent years among globalization theorists to overestimate the glocal. It is seen by many as not only the alternative to the evils of grobalization, but also a key source of much that is worthwhile in the world today. Theorists often privilege the glocal something over the grobal nothing (as well as over the glocal nothing, which rarely appears in their analyses). For example, Jonathan Friedman associates cultural pluralism with "a dehegemonizing, dehomogenizing world incapable of a formerly enforced politics of assimilation or cultural hierarchy." Later, he links the "decline of hegemony" to "a liberation of the world arena to the free play of already extant but suppressed

projects and potential new projects." Then there are the essays in James Watson's McDonald's in East Asia, which, in the main, focus on glocal adaptations (and generally downplay grobal impositions) and tend to describe them in positive terms. While most globalization theorists are not postmodernists, the wide-scale acceptance of various postmodern ideas (and rejection of many modern positions) has helped lead to positive attitudes toward glocalization among many globalization theorists. Friedman is one who explicitly links "cultural pluralism" and the "postmodernization of the world." The postmodern perspective is linked to glocalization theory in a number of ways. For example, the work of de Certeau and others on the power of the agent in the face of larger powers (such as grobalization) fits with the view that indigenous actors can create unique phenomena out of the interaction of the global and the local. De Certeau talks of actors as "unrecognized producers, poets of their own affairs, trailblazers in the jungles of functionalist rationality." A similar focus on the local community gives it the power to create unique glocal realities. More generally, a postmodern perspective is tied to hybridity, which, in turn, is "subversive" of such modern perspectives as essentialism and homogeneity. While there are good reasons for the interest in and preference for glocalization among globalization theorists, such interest is clearly overdone. For one thing, grobalization (especially of nothing) is far more prevalent and powerful than glocalization (especially of something). For another, glocalization itself is a significant source of nothing. One of the best examples of the glocalization of nothing is to be found in the realm of tourism, especially where the grobal tourist meets the local manufacturer and retailer (where they still exist) in the production and sale of glocal goods and services (this is illustrated in quadrant two of Figure 2 ) . There are certainly instances - perhaps even many of them in which tourism stimulates the production of something: well-made, high-quality craft products made for discerning tourists; meals lovingly prepared by local chefs using traditional recipes and the best of local ingredients. However, far more often - and increasingly, as time goes by - grobal tourism leads to the glocalization of nothing. Souvenir shops are likely to be bursting at the seams with trinkets reflecting a bit of

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the local culture. Such souvenirs are increasingly likely to be mass-manufactured - perhaps using components from other parts of the world - in local factories. If demand grows great enough and the possibilities of profitability high enough, low-priced souvenirs may be manufactured by the thousands or millions elsewhere in the world and then shipped back to the local area to be sold to tourists (who may not notice, or care about, the "made in China" label embossed on their souvenir replicas of the Eiffel Tower). The clerks in these souvenir shops are likely to act like nonpeople, and tourists are highly likely to serve themselves. Similarly, large numbers of meals slapped together by semiskilled chefs to suggest vaguely local cooking are far more likely than authentic meals that are true to the region, or that truly integrate local elements. Such meals are likely to be offered in "touristy" restaurants that are close to the nonplace end of the continuum and to be served by nonpeople who offer little in the way of service. Another major example involves the production of native shows - often involving traditional costumes, dances, and music - for grobal tourists. While these could be something, there is a very strong tendency for them to be transformed into nothing to satisfy grobal tour operators and their clientele. Hence these shows are examples of the glocalization of nothing, because they become centrally conceived and controlled empty forms. They are often watered down, if not eviscerated, with esoteric or possibly offensive elements removed. The performances are designed to please the throngs of tourists and to put off as few of them as possible. They take place with great frequency, and interchangeable performers often seem as if they are going through the motions in a desultory fashion. For their part, this is about all the grobal tourists want in their rush (and that of the tour operator) to see a performance, to eat an ersatz local meal, and then to move on to the next stop on the tour. Thus, in the area of tourism - in souvenirs, performances, and meals - we are far more likely to see the glocalization of nothing than of something.

The Glocalization of Something The example of the glocalization of something in Figure 2 (quadrant 1) is in the realm of indigenous crafts such as pottery or weaving. Such craft products

are things, and they are likely to be displayed and sold in places such as craft barns. The craftperson who makes and demonstrates his or her wares is a person, and customers are apt to be offered a great deal of service. Such glocal products are likely to remain something, although there are certainly innumerable examples of glocal forms of something that have been transformed into glocal - and in some cases grobal - forms of nothing (see below for a discussion of Kokopelli figures and matryoshka dolls). In fact, there is often a kind of progression here, from glocal something to glocal nothing as demand grows, and then to grobal nothing if some entrepreneur believes that there might be a global market for such products. However, some glocal forms of something are able to resist this process. Glocal forms of something tend to remain as such for various reasons. For one thing, they tend to be costly, at least in comparison to mass-manufactured competitors. High price tends to keep demand down locally, let alone globally. Second, glocal forms of something are loaded with distinctive content. Among other things, this means that they are harder and more expensive to produce and that consumers, especially in other cultures, find them harder to understand and appreciate. Furthermore, their idiosyncratic and complex character make it more likely that those in other cultures will find something about them they do not like or even find offensive. Third, unlike larger manufacturers of nothing, those who create glocal forms of something are not pushed to expand their business and increase profits to satisfy stockholders and the stock market. While craftspeople are not immune to the desire to earn more money, the pressure to do so is more internal than external, and it is not nearly as great or inexorable. In any case, the desire to earn more money is tempered by the fact that the production of each craft product is time-consuming and only so many of them can be produced in a given time. Further, craft products are even less likely to lend themselves to mass marketing and advertising than they are to mass manufacture.

Which Comes First: Nothing, or Its Grobalization? At this point, we need to deal with a difficult issue: is it possible to determine which comes first - nothing

Rethinking Globalization

or its grobalization? The key components of the definition of nothing - central conception and control, lack of distinctive content - tend to lead us to associate nothing with the modern era of mass production. After all, the system of mass production is characterized by centralized conception and control, and it is uniquely able to turn out large numbers of products lacking in distinctive content. While there undoubtedly were isolated examples of nothing prior to the Industrial Revolution, it is hard to find many that fit our basic definition of nothing. Thus, as a general rule, nothing requires the prior existence of mass production. However, that which emanates from mass-production systems need not necessarily be distributed and sold globally. Nevertheless, as we have discussed, there are great pressures on those who mass-produce nothing to market it globally. Thus, there is now a very close relationship between mass production and grobalization; the view here is that both precede nothing and are prerequisites to it. Take, for example, such historic examples of something in the realm of folk art as Kokopellis from the southwestern United States and matryoshka dolls from Russia. At their points of origin long ago in local cultures, these were clearly hand-made products that one would have had to put close to the something end of the continuum. For example, the Kokopelli, usually depicted as an arch-backed flute player, can be traced back to at least 800 AD and to rock art in the mountains and deserts of the southwestern United States. Such rock art is clearly something. But in recent years, Kokopellis have become popular among tourists to the area and have come to be produced in huge numbers in innumerable forms (figurines, lamps, keychains, light-switch covers, Christmas ornaments, and so on), with increasingly less attention to the craftsmanship involved in producing them. Indeed, they are increasingly likely to be mass-produced in large factories. Furthermore, offending elements are removed in order not to put off potential consumers anywhere in the world. For example, the exposed genitals that usually accompanied the arched back and the flute have been removed. More recently, Kokopellis have moved out of their locales of origin in the Southwest and come to be sold globally. In order for them to be marketed globally at a low price, much of the distinctive character

and craftsmanship involved in producing the Kokopelli is removed. That is, the grobalization of Kokopellis has moved them even closer to the nothing end of the continuum. A similar scenario has occurred in the case of the matryoshka doll (from five to as many as 30 dolls of increasingly small size nested within one another), although its roots in Russian culture are not nearly as deep (little more than a century) as that of the Kokopelli in the culture of the southwestern United States. Originally hand-made and hand-painted by skilled craftspeople and made from seasoned birch (or lime), the traditional matryoshka doll was (and is) rich in detail. With the fall of communism and the Soviet Union, Russia has grown as a tourist destination, and the matryoshka doll has become a popular souvenir. In order to supply the increasing demand of tourists, and even to distribute matryoshka dolls around the world, they are now far more likely to be machine-made: automatically painted; made of poor quality, unseasoned wood; and greatly reduced in detail. In many cases, the matryoshka doll has been reduced to the lowest level of schlock and kitsch in order to enhance sales. For example, the traditional designs depicting precommunist nobles and merchants have been supplemented with caricatures of global celebrities such as Bill Clinton, Mikhail Gorbachev, and - post-September 11 Osama bin Laden. Such mass-produced and massdistributed matryoshka dolls bear little resemblance to the folk art that is at their root. The mass production and grobalization of these dolls has transformed that which was something into nothing. Many other products have followed that course, and still more will do so in the future. While we have focused here on nonthings that were things at one time, much the same argument can be made about places, people, and services. That is, they, too, have come to be mass-manufactured and grobalized, especially in the realm of consumption. This is most obvious in virtually all franchises for which settings are much the same throughout the world (using many mass-manufactured components), people are trained and scripted to work in much the same way, and the same "services" are offered in much the same way. They all have been centrally conceived, are centrally controlled, and are lacking in distinctive content.

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Grobalization and Loss Grobalization has brought with it a proliferation of nothing around the world. While it carries with it many advantages (as does the grobalization of something), it has also led to a loss, as local (and glocal) forms of something are progressively threatened and replaced by grobalized (and glocalized) forms of nothing. This reality and sense of loss are far greater in much of the rest of the world than they are in the United States. As the center and source of much nothingness, the United States has also progressed furthest in the direction of nothing and away from something. Thus, Americans are long accustomed to nothing and have fewer and fewer forms of something with which to compare it. Each new form of or advance in nothing barely creates a ripple in American society. However, the situation is different in much of the rest of the world. Myriad forms of something remain well entrenched and actively supported. The various forms of nothing - often, at least initially, imports from the United States - are quickly and easily perceived as nothing, since alternative forms of something, and the standards they provide, are alive and well. Certainly, large numbers of people in these countries demand and flock to nothing in its various forms, but many others are critical of it and on guard against it. The various forms of something thriving in these countries give supporters places, things, people, and services to rally around in the face of the onslaught of nothing. Thus, it is not surprising that the Slow Food Movement, oriented to the defense of "slow food" against the incursion of fast food, began in Italy (in fact, the origin of this movement was a batde to prevent McDonald's from opening a restaurant at the foot of the Spanish Steps in Rome) and has its greatest support throughout Europe.

The Increase in Nothing! The Decline in Something? A basic idea - even a grand narrative - in this essay is the idea that there is a long-term trend in the social world in general, and in the realm of consumption in particular, in the direction of nothing. More specifically, there is an historic movement from something to

nothing. Recall that this is simply an argument about the increase in forms that are centrally conceived and controlled and are largely devoid of distinctive content. In other words, we have witnessed a long-term trend from a world in which indigenously conceived and controlled forms laden with distinctive content predominated to one where centrally conceived and controlled forms largely lacking in distinctive content are increasingly predominant. There is no question that there has been an increase in nothing and a relative decline in something, but many forms of something have not experienced a decline in any absolute sense. In fact, in many cases, forms of something have increased; they have simply not increased at anything like the pace of the increase in nothing. For example, while the number of fast-food restaurants (nonplaces) has increased astronomically since the founding of the McDonald's chain in 1955, the number of independent gourmet and ethnic restaurants (places) has also increased, although at not nearly the pace of fast-food restaurants. This helps to account for the fact that a city such as Washington, DC (to take an example I know well) has, over the last half century, witnessed a massive increase in fast-food restaurants at the same time that there has been a substantial expansion of gourmet and ethnic restaurants. In fact, it could be argued that there is a dialectic here that the absolute increase in nothing sometimes serves to spur at least some increase in something. That is, as people are increasingly surrounded by nothing, at least some are driven to search out or create something. However, the grand narrative presented here is more about the relative ascendancy of nothing and the relative decline in something than about absolute change. Nonetheless, at least some forms of something (e.g., local groceries, cafeterias) have suffered absolute declines and may have disappeared or be on the verge of disappearance. It could be argued that all of these have been victims of what Joseph Schumpeter called "creative destruction." That is, while they have largely disappeared, in their place have arisen successors such as the fast-food restaurant, the supermarket, and the "dinner-house" (e.g., the Cheesecake Factory). While there is no question that extensive destruction of older forms has occurred, and that considerable creativity has gone into the new forms, one must question Schumpeter's one-sidedly positive view of this process.

Rethinking Globalization

Perhaps some things - even some measure of creativity - have been lost with the passing of these older forms. It may be that the destruction has not always been so creative. However, no overall value judgment needs to be made here; forms laden with content are not inherently better than those devoid of content, or vice versa. In fact, there were and are many forms rich in content that are among the most heinous of the world's creations. We could think, for example, of the pogroms that were so common in Russia, Poland, and elsewhere. These were largely locally conceived and controlled and were awash in distinctive content (anti-Semitism, nationalism, and so on). Conversely, forms largely devoid of content are not necessarily harmful. For example, the bureaucracy, as Weber pointed out, is a form (and ideal type) that is largely lacking in content. As such, it is able to operate in a way that other, more content-laden forms of organization - those associated with traditional and charismatic forms of organization - could not. That is, it was set up to be impartial - to not (at least theoretically) discriminate against anyone. There is very strong support for the argument, especially in the realm of consumption, that we are in the midst of a long-term trend away from something and in the direction of nothing. By the way, this implies a forecast for the future: we will see further increases in nothing and further erosions of something in the years to come.

The Economics of Nothing Several points can be made about the economics of nothing. First, it is clear that, in general, there is an inverse relationship between income and nothing. That is, those with money can still afford to acquire various forms of something, whereas those with little money are largely restricted to nothing. Thus, only the affluent can afford expensive bottles of complex wine, or gourmet French meals with truffles. Those with little means are largely restricted to Coca-Cola, Lunchables, microwave meals, and McDonald's fries. Second, there is an economic floor to this: those below a certain income level cannot even afford much of that which is categorized here as nothing. Thus, there are those near or below the poverty line in

America who often cannot afford a meal at McDonald's or a six-pack of Coca-Cola. More importantly, there are many more people in the less-developed parts of the world who do not have access to and cannot afford such forms of nothing. Interestingly, extreme poverty relegates people to something - homemade meals and home brews made from whatever is available. However, in this case it is hard to make the argument for something. These forms of something are often meager, and those who are restricted to them would love to have access to that which has been defined here, as well as by many people throughout the world, as nothing. Third, thinking of society as a whole, some minimum level of affluence and prosperity must be reached before it can afford nothing. That is, there are few ATMs, fast-food restaurants, and Victoria's Secret boutiques in the truly impoverished nations of the world. There simply is not enough income and wealth for people to be able to afford nothing; people in these societies are, ironically, doomed - at least for the time being - to something. Thus, they are more oriented to barter, preparing food at home from scratch, and making their own nightgowns. It is not that they would not readily trade their something for the forms of nothing described above, but that they are unable to do so. It seems clear that as soon as the level of wealth in such a country reaches some minimal level, the various forms of nothing will be welcomed and, for their part, the companies that produce them will enter eagerly. Fourth, even the wealthiest of people often consume nothing. For one thing, as has been pointed out previously, nothing is not restricted to inexpensive (non)places, (non)things, (non)people, and (non)services. Some forms of nothing - a Four Seasons hotel room, a Dolce and Gabbana frock, the salesperson at Gucci, and the service of a waiter at a Morton's steakhouse - are very costly, but they still qualify as nothing as that term is used here: relatively empty forms that are centrally conceived and controlled. The consumption of these very expensive forms of nothing is obviously restricted to the uppermost reaches of the economic ladder. Fifth, the wealthy are drawn to many of the same low-priced forms of nothing that cater to the mass of the population, even those who would be considered poor or very close to it. A credit card knows no income barriers - at least at the high end of the spectrum - and

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the same is true of ATMs. The wealthy, especially wealthy teenagers, are just as likely to be attracted to fast-food restaurants as are those from virtually every other income group. There is no simple relationship between wealth and nothingness.

Grobalization versus Glocalization Returning to the issue with which we began this discussion, one of the key contributions here is the argument that the/a key dynamic under the broad heading of globalization is the conflict between grobalization and glocalization. This is a very different view than any of the conventional perspectives on global conflict. For example, I think a large number of observers have tended to see the defining conflict, where one is seen to exist, as that between globalization and the local. However, the perspective offered here differs from that perspective on several crucial points. First, globalization does not represent one side in the central conflict. It is far too broad a concept, encompassing as it does all transnational processes. It needs further refinement to be useful in this context, such as the distinction between grobalization and glocalization. When that differentiation is made, it is clear that the broad process of globalization already encompasses important conflicting processes. Since globalization contains the key poles in the conflict, it therefore is not, and cannot be, one position in that conflict. Second, the other side of the traditional view of that conflict - the local - is relegated to secondary importance in this conceptualization. That is, to the degree that the local continues to exist, it is seen as increasingly insigni-


ficant and a marginal player in the dynamics of globalization. Little of the local remains that has been untouched by the global. Thus, much of what we often think of as the local is, in reality, the glocal. As the grobal increasingly penetrates the local, less and less of the latter will remain free of grobal influences. That which does will be relegated to the peripheries and interstices of the local community. The bulk of that which remains is much better described as glocal than local. In community after community, the real struggle is between the more purely grobal versus the glocal. One absolutely crucial implication of this is that it is increasingly difficult to find anything in the world untouched by globalization. Ironically, then, the hope for those opposed to globalization, especially the grobalization of nothing, seems to lie in an alternative form of globalization glocalization. This is hardly a stirring hope as far as most opponents of grobalization are concerned, but it is the most realistic and viable one available. The implication is that those who wish to oppose globalization, and specifically grobalization, must support and align themselves with the other major form of globalization - glocalization. Yet glocalization does represent some measure of hope. For one thing, it is the last outpost of most lingering (if already adulterated by grobalization) forms of the local. That is, important vestiges of the local remain in the glocal. For another, the interaction of the grobal and the local produces unique phenomena that are not reducible to either the grobal or the local. If the local alone is no longer the source that it once was of uniqueness, at least some of the slack has been picked up by the glocal. It is even conceivable that the glocal and the interaction among various glocalities are - or at least can be - a significant source of uniqueness and innovation.


Dialectics of Something and Nothing: Critical Reflections on Ritzer's Globalization Analysis Douglas Kellner George Ritzer's The Globalization of Nothing provides aspects of globalization neglected in many standard a highly original take on globalization that illuminates works. Ritzer produces a wide range of categories,

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some original, to delineate how globalization produces massification, homogenization, and standardization of consumer products and practices. Thus, his recent book is a worthy successor to The McDonaldization of Society, Expressing America, and Enchanting a Disenchanted World: Revolutionizing the Means of Consumption as well as his other recent work on McDonaldization. In addition, Ritzer's The Globalization of Nothing articulates the dialectic between the global and the local, between its empty forms, or nothing in his terminology, and its specific forms of something, of particularity and difference. His recent studies of globalization have many of the virtues of his earlier books in providing a wealth of sociological insight and analysis to a popular audience. The text particularly illuminates and helps develop Ritzer's earlier concepts of McDonaldization, Americanization, and delineation of the new means of consumption, and it adds a wide range of important insights into globalization, whilst providing useful categories and distinctions to describe globalization itself. In these comments, first, I want to critically engage with an issue that Ritzer might have addressed, that in my view would have substantially strengthened his conceptual optic. Then, I will make some comments on things I like and find important in the book, and will signal some disagreements.

Globalization and Nothing: the Missing Dialectic Ritzer sets out his definition of the globalization of nothing as "generally centrally conceived and controlled social forms that are comparatively devoid of distinctive content," such as the form of Mills corporation shopping malls, airports, chain hotels, credit cards, and of course McDonald's and fast-food restaurants. He presents a dialectic of something and nothing in a continuum of social forms with "something" presented as "a social form that is generally indigenously conceived, controlled, and comparatively rich in distinctive substantive content; a form that is to a large degree substantively unique." Both presuppose each other and make "sense only when paired with, and contrasted to, the other." The dialectic of something and nothing is fleshed out with a series of conceptual contrasts between places and non-places, things and non-things, persons and

non-persons, and services and non-services, encompassing, as examples, credit card companies, telemarketing, fast food production, and global branding (I will provide further examples and explication as I proceed). He also develops a set of other categories like "glocalization" (building on Roland Robertson), through which global and local forces hybridize, and "grobalization" through which global processes absorb and in some cases destroy local artifacts, customs, and culture. Ritzer says he will offend fans of many "somethings," such as products or forms of consumption that he critically analyzes, but I am not in the least offended by this critique, and would be happy to see Ritzer and others develop the analysis of nothing and the destruction of something(s) further. Indeed, this brings me to my central critique of Ritzer's book. In the Preface, Ritzer states "My focal interest in these pages is in the globalization of nothing within the realm of consumption," and here I wish that Ritzer had embraced the dialectic of production and consumption and critically engaged both, as he does to some extent in his analysis of McDonaldization, which is both a form of production and consumption. Ritzer does have a short section at the end of chapter I o n "the production of nothing" where he mentions that he will not engage with the "developing" world; whose inhabitants often cannot afford, or do not have access to the nothings of globalization; and also, will not engage with global production, such as Nike shoe factories, that have received a lot of attention and criticism. Ritzer says that there has been a "productivist bias" in social theory and that he wants to compensate for what he sees as a one-sideness in this direction. But, while there was perhaps once a problem of a production bias in fields of social theory and consumption studies that needs correction, I would assert that production and consumption are so tightly and importandy linked that one needs a dialectic of production and consumption to adequately grasp the general processes of globalization. In fact, within cultural studies and a lot of social theory, there has been a booming field of consumption studies, of which Ritzer is an important part, so I am not sure that we need to worry about a productivist bias in social theory and cultural studies, but should rather worry about the production deficit (this has been one of my worries and themes in cultural studies for some years now and is reappearing here in the

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context of the sociology of consumption). But, I would also argue that it is imperative to analyze the dialectic of production and consumption which is absolutely central to grasping, and engaging with globalization in order to conceptualize its key dynamics - as important, I would argue and perhaps more so, than the dialectic of something and nothing that Ritzer takes on (in fact, I will argue that they go together). To make this point, let me take an example from Ritzer's earlier study of McDonald's, surely a sociological classic of our time. One key insight of this text was the analysis of McDonaldization as a mode of production and consumption. McDonald's provides an entire business model (the franchise) and a model of fast-food production and consumption marked by the features of efficiency, speed, predictability, calculability, and rationalization. This model spread to many other fields of production and consumption, as Ritzer points out. Indeed, it is McDonaldization as a dialectic of production and consumption, that makes the corporation so paradigmatic for corporate globalization. Now, extending Ritzer's argument of the dialectic of production and consumption to the sphere of labor, I would argue that the spread, diffusion, and the impact of the forms of production described as postFordism, McDonaldization, technocapitalism, or the networked society, range from the global spread of assembly-line labor described by Harry Braverman and other, mostly, Marxists as contributing to a deskilling of labor to the forms of labor described by Dan Schiller and other critics of digital capitalism. It is true, however, that there are a couple of mentions of production in Ritzer's book, such as a passage on page 177, where Ritzer notes that his analyses of the grobalization of nothing:

Certainly applies as well to consumption's other face - production. We literally could not have the grobalization of, for example, non-things without the existence of systems that produce massive numbers of the non-things that are to be sold and distributed worldwide. But even production, or the productionconsumption nexus, is too narrow a domain for examining the grobalization of nothing. Nothing spreads globally within politics, or the church, or the criminal justice system, for myriad reasons, many of them specific to each of those domains, that have nothing to do with production or consumption.

Far from it being for me to deny the relative autonomy of politics, the legal system, or culture, but all of these things are centrally related to production and, increasingly, to consumption. There is also another phenomenon of immense importance that Ritzer's analysis suggests, but does not critically engage with, and that is the replacement of human labor power by machines. In terms of one of Ritzer's sets of categorical distinctions involving non-places, non-things, nonpersons, and non-services (encompassing as examples credit card companies, telemarketing, and computerized services of various sorts), this proliferation of nullities, to use Ritzer's terms, involves a rather substantial global restructuring of labor, which both eliminates a lot of jobs and creates a wealth of "Mcjobs" that could serve as paradigms of contemporary alienated labor (consider telemarketing, or all the clerical work that credit cards, airline reservations, sales of many sorts and the like involve). Now, as Marx argued in the Grundrisse, replacement of human labor power by technology can be progressive, but as we have seen, it can also be disastrous for certain categories of labor, in the sense that it eliminates more creative, unionized and well-paid and secure jobs and creates more deadening, alienating, lower-paid and insecure ones. This is an immense world-historical phenomenon that lies at the heart of current concerns about globalization, and I think that Ritzer's dialectic of something and nothing could have interestingly illuminated and critically engaged this phenomenon. There is one passage where Ritzer mentions that Marx's analysis of alienation, while not especially useful in talking about consumption (although some might contest this), "is probably more relevant than ever to the less-developed world where much of the kind of production-oriented work analyzed by Marx is increasingly done." I would agree with this, but would suggest that alienated labor is also wide-spread in the kind of domains that Ritzer is analyzing, such as telemarketing, computerized services, and most clerical and other office work needed to sustain global production. Parenthetically, I might mention that the film One Hour Photo that Ritzer uses to illustrate the empty forms of consumption is about empty forms of production and labor as much as consumption and that the Robin Williams character illustrates the dehumanizing and alienating effects that doing nothing, i.e.

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laboring in a completely prescribed, impersonalized, and uncreative way, can have distorting effects on the personality. Yet, the film can also be read as suggesting that, even in the most dehumanizing matrixes of production and consumption, there are attempts to create human relationships and creative work - that is something. As a hopelessly Hegelian dialectician, I appreciate the dialectic of nothing and something in Ritzer's book, as well as the dialectic of glocalization and grobalization, but would have liked to see him engage more with the dialectic of production and consumption. I would note, also, that there is one important passage and concept thrown out, but not developed, where Ritzer mentions the "double affliction" of those workers in extremely low paying jobs who are not able to afford the very products that they are producing. Both afflictions are heart wrenching, but I fear that they are a widespread global phenomenon, whose development and documentation could provide a sharp critical edge to how we view globalization. I suspect part of Ritzer's answer would be his statement: It is worth remembering that it was not too long ago that the United States was the world leader in production. In many ways, consumption has replaced production as the focus of the American economy and it has become the nation's prime export to the rest of the world. It is interesting to ponder the implications of what it means to have gone from the world leader in the production of steel to, say, the world leader in the exportation of fast-food restaurants and the shopping mall. I would agree with Ritzer that to some extent consumption has replaced production as the US's prime export, but I think that, globally, production is as important as consumption. As postFordist theory makes clear, production is increasingly moving from one place to another and, to some extent, this process embodies Ritzer's analysis, in that the forms of production are increasingly similar, whether sneakers, for instance, are produced in Los Angeles, Indonesia, Vietnam, or China. In general, I would agree with Marx's model in the Grundrisse, that there is a circuit of capital that involves

production, exchange, distribution, and consumption, and while one could debate whether production is or is not the primary moment in this circuit, as Marx claims, I think it is clear that, taking globalization as a whole, the dialectic of production and consumption, and circuits of capital are crucial to the process (i.e. that there is no consumption without production and that they are linked in circuits including exchange and distribution, much of which Ritzer engages with, so he might as well take on production as well to complete the circuit). Another criticism of Ritzer's McDonald's analysis that could be leveled against The Globalization of Nothing is that he does not have enough on creative consumption, or the ways that something and nothing produce hybrids, or local variants of global products, or forms like McDonald's. Hybridization has been taken as a key form of the construction of local cultures within globalization that postmodernists, and others including Stuart Hall and the studies of McDonald's in Golden Arches East, positively valorize as a cultural synthesis of local and global, and traditional and modern. While hybridizations have been exaggerated and many of the celebrations of hybridization, or local inflection of global phenomena, such as the Golden Arches East studies cited above, overlook the elements of cultural imperialism (if I may use an old-fashioned term), of destruction of the traditional, and of loss, as Ritzer repeatedly stresses, nonetheless, more global forms can always be inflected globally and creative hybrids can be produced of the global and the local. Yet, Ritzer focuses on the form of consumption and nothing, and downplays creative use and active audience appropriation of commodities, cultural forms, or globalized phenomena of various sorts. British cultural studies highlights the active audience as constitutive of the popular and, while this emphasis can overplay subjectivity and the power of the consumer, I think highlights a potential production of difference, meaning and creative practice (i.e. something) that Ritzer does not adequately address. He might, thus, add a dialectic of nothing and something to the activity of the consumer in the process of consumption, in which one class or pole of consumers is ideal-type characterized as largely passive and consumes in a standardized way, whereby another class or pole can consume in highly creative and idiosyncratic ways that can transform

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nothing into something (to use Ritzer's dialectic). Ritzer does have a section on "Making something out of nothing" in his internet chapter and he valorizes the slow food movement in a concluding chapter, but I think he needs more on active and creative uses of consumption, or globalized technology like the internet. Both Andrew Feenberg and I, in developing theories of technology, stress how technologies can be reconstructed in ways that people can make something out of nothing, to use Ritzer's terminology; that is, use technology for their own self-valorization, projects, and purposes, and not just those of capital or whoever produces the technology. For example, people use traditional medicines, or natural child-bearing, instead of the standardized forms of corporate medicine, and have constructed the internet as a decommodified realm of communication, cultural dissemination, and political organization, often going beyond the purposes of the creators of the technology.

are pure forms, where there is little if any material difference in the way the cards work, but some people strongly identify with brands of airlines, autos, clothing lines, and other commodities. Admittedly, the distinction is often hard to make regarding whether brands are something or nothing: while arguably a Gucci bag can be seen as a nothing, as Ritzer claims, in which pure form dominates, there are genuine differences in some fashion houses and clothing lines that have passionate detractors and fans. Certainly, as pirating and simulation of original products indicates, replication is big business, but the fact that many products are run off indicates precisely that they are "something" with commodity sign-value.

Further, whereas I find many of Ritzer's concepts and distinctions in the book valuable, like his analysis "Meet the nullities," where he analyzes the forms of non-place, non-things, non-persons, and non-services of corporate globalization, I have a conceptual problem with his analysis of non-things where he writes:

And although there may be some pure models of strip malls, or even mega malls and other sites of consumption, that appear as "nothing" (i.e. not distinctive, interesting, locally-inflected, and so on), it is precisely the differences that make some malls stand out, like the Grove and Fairfax Farmer's Market in Los Angeles, or Edmonton Mall in Canada. Likewise, when Ritzer cites the Ford Edsel as an example of nothing in the appendix, this just seems wrong: Edsel is symbolic of something different, a product line that flopped in a spectacular way (as did Classic Coke).

Our bodies are covered by an array of non-things and even when we go to bed at night, we are likely to be surrounded by non-things (Sealy Posturepedic mattresses, Martha Stewart sheets and pillow cases, Chanel perfumes or colognes, and so on).

Another problem with Ritzer's categorization is that he appears sometimes to be too loose with his application of nothing or, at least, one could raise questions whether certain phenomena are something or nothing. I would question, for example, Ritzer's citing of the use of audio guides in museums as an example of nothing:

While many consumer brands are nullities, and so in Ritzer's vocabulary are arguably "no things," many brands are important things to many people. Reducing so many consumer brands to nullities downplays the importance of logos and branding that Naomi Klein and others claim is at the very heart of globalization. While Ritzer provides a powerful critique of current modes of branding, I am just not convinced that some of the brands Ritzer cites in his text are "nothings." Such a concept of brands neglects the kind of sign value and system of difference in consumption stressed by Baudrillard, and worked out more concretely by sociologists like Robert Goldman and Stephen Papson. Now, some of the brands like Visa and MasterCard that Ritzer engages with are paradigms of brands that

An interesting example of the trend toward nothingness is the increasing use of audio guides and rented tape players at such shows and at museums more generally. While it is true that more and more museums are using similar types of audio guides to accompany their art shows, they are uneven in quality, but more important, facilitate qualitatively different aesthetic experiences and uses. I personally avoided these audio guides at first, as I thought that they distracted from the aesthetic experience. I found, however, that some were very informative and could, if used properly, enhance the overall experience of the art show. Some, indeed, strike me as quite something. For instance, the audio guide

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that accompanied the 2003 Kandinsky-Schonberg show at the Jewish Museum in New York, not only had very informative and intelligent commentary, but large sections of music by Schonberg and others, so that one could enjoy Schonberg's music while looking at his paintings, or just take a break, close one's eyes, and imagine one was at a concert. Another place where one could contest Ritzer's overly loose use of "nothing" is his claim that "the media are, themselves [...] purveyors of nothing (for example, the 'soaps,' CNN Headline News, sitcoms)." Whereas there are rather empty forms of global news and entertainment (reality TV, headline news, and maybe at least some US sitcoms), other forms like "soaps" are arguably quite varied, diverse, local, and thus, presumably, something. I have been to telenovela panels at conferences, and read papers on the topic, that insist on the major differences between Latin American telenovelas and American soaps, and the differences between programs of this genre in, say, Mexico, Argentina, Cuba, and Brazil, and even within these countries (aficionados can discourse for great length on varieties of Brazilian telenovela, and one friend loaned me tapes of a Cuban soap opera that was a quite interesting political drama, using certain formats of American soaps but producing something significantly different, and thus I would conclude, something). Parenthetically, I might note that Ritzer uses nothing, nothingness, nullity, and such cognates interchangeably and while I have learned to live with, and even appreciate, "the globalization of nothing" and find the "nullities" concept amusing and illuminating, I cringe a bit when I read "nothingness," no doubt because of my early immersion in Sartre and Heidegger and association of nothingness with anxiety, death, and disturbing forms of non-being. Hence, I would question Ritzer as to whether there is a difference between nothing and nothingness in his categorizations, and why he uses the latter term when it carries a lot of conceptual baggage from existential philosophy. In other words, "nothing" is an empty enough concept to serve Ritzer's purposes, but "nothingness" is to me branded heavily in terms of Heidegger's and Sartre's existential philosophy, and does not readily serve as a cognate for Ritzer's nothing. Consequently, while Ritzer is using a flexible model of ideal types ranging from something to nothing, I think there is room for contestations of at least some

of his presentations of nothing, and hope at least that more varied and diverse somethings might proliferate in a global economy, as opposed to the undeniable proliferation of nothing, the grobalization of the local, and general tendencies toward standardization, exchangeability, massification, that it is the virtue of Ritzer's analysis to warn us about.

Globalization and the Contemporary Moment Indeed, Ritzer is telling a very dramatic story that comes most alive, for me at least, in the titanic battle between the glocalization of something and grobalization of something and nothing that takes place in the middle of his book. He concludes chapter 5 by stating: Thus, we live in an era in which a variety of its basic characteristics have led to a tremendous expansion in the grobalization of nothing. Furthermore, current trends lead to the view that the future will bring with it an even greater proliferation of nothing throughout the globe. This is a rather ominous prospect concerning the growing hegemony of the "grobalization of nothing," of pure forms or models of production and consumption that could obliterate the local, singularity, heterogeneity, and difference. Of course, there are countervailing tendencies that varieties of postmodern theory and Roland Robertson extol, but I think Ritzer provides an important cautionary warning that major trends of globalization are destroying individuality and particularity, and producing standardization and homogeneity. To some extent this is a familiar story, told by various neo-Marxists, Weberians and other critics of modernity, but it is salutary to rehear the story as a warning against too enthusiastic globophilac embraces of a globalization that is producing, according to its postmodern champions, bountiful heterogeneity, hybridity, and difference. Ritzer claims, near the end of the book, that his major conceptual contribution to this story, and to theorizing globalization, is his account of the growing conflict between glocalization and grobalization. This optic helps balance tendencies

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to celebrate and overrate the local and catches the fact that the anti-corporate globalization movement that wants to protect the local and the human from corporate domination, or grobalization in Ritzer's vocabulary, is itself global in nature and thus represents a form of glocalization. But, I think more concrete goals need to be attached and defended via the anti-corporate globalization movement (that is not any longer, strictly speaking, anti-globalization tout court, but anti-corporate or anti-capitalist globalization). In particular, the anticorporate globalization (or social justice movement) is not just for preserving the local over global appropriation and control, but also for specific goals like human rights, labor rights, the rights of specific groups, like women, gays, the otherly-abled, or animals, as well as for goals like environmental preservation, safe food, democratization, and social justice. These goals are at least somewhat universal in many conceptualizations, so there is something of a synthesis of the global and local in the anti-corporate globalization movement. Hence in my view, these universal values and goals are valuable somethings, and the anti-corporate and social justice movement is important for defending important universal values, preserving local sites, cultures, and values, and providing innovative alternatives and political strategies and practices (though as Ritzer warns, they may erode into nothings if they merely repeat the same slogans and actions time after time). I am not sure that one can quite as easily or cavalierly dismiss the local as Ritzer does, suggesting it has largely disappeared and cannot be resuscitated, as you cannot have glocals without locals and there are still many places, cuisines, products, peoples, cultures, and the like that have not yet been largely glocalized (or so I would imagine, though here Ritzer may be right in the long term). For instance, the day before a panel on Ritzer's book at the Eastern Sociology Association conference in New York in February 2004, I took a walk down Lexington Avenue and encountered on one block the stores "Good Old Things," "Fine Antiques," and other specialty shops. The next block had Indian vegetarian restaurants next to one that read "Non-Vegetarian Indian" and even "Kosher Vegetarian Indian," as well as a variety of other foreign restaurants. I passed the Armory that had the famous 1913 modern art exposition and was having an antiques fair

that weekend. At Union Square there was a market that was selling fresh bison meat, ostrich burgers, and freshly brewed hot apple cider that I tasted. Beyond the Square, the Strand bookstore still exists along with a few other surviving used bookstores in the neighborhood. And best of all, I found on the way back that the Grammercy Cinema was now the home of the MOMA Cinematique and was showing, for a six dollar a day pass, films by major Iranian and Korean directors, as well as a pair of Godard classics. So, while somethings and the local are clearly under attack through corporate globalization (and one could give a detailed analysis of the grobalization of New York starting with the Disneyfication of 42nd Street and corporatization of Times Square), nonetheless, there are some locales still existent and they should be treasured, defended, and supported. Shifting the register, I would also quibble about Ritzer's interpretation of the 9/11 attacks and, more broadly, why a certain breed of fundamentalist terrorism is anti-US. Ritzer rightly calls attention to a growing anti-Americanism and growing hostility to the grobalization, to use his term, of American culture, values, politics, and the military, but he does not mention George W. Bush, and I would argue that much of the skyrocketing anti-Americanism evident in the PEW polls, that Ritzer cites as evidence of growing anti-Americanism, is a specific reaction to the Bush administration's militarist unilateralism, nationalistic chauvinism, and just plain arrogance. While the 9/11 and other Jihadist attacks might have happened no matter who was president, and while many parts of the world resent American grobalization, as Ritzer suggests, I think these resentments and reaction have been greatly intensified, perhaps dangerously so, by the Bush administration. Another caveat, in presenting Ben Barber's Jihad vs McWorld, Ritzer saliently presents McWorld as an example of grobalization, or nothing, but wrongly, in my view, presents Jihad as something. There is little so formulaic as bin Laden's anti-west ravings, and I suggest that terrorism has been extremely formulaic and repetitive (look at suicide bombings in Israel or Iraq), much more so than the anti-corporate globalization movement that Ritzer claims is repeating empty forms of internet connections and protest, rather than creating new and original forms of protest (only partly true, in my opinion, but

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a salutary warning to be creative, innovative, and surprising in constructing forms of global protest and oppositional politics). Finally, in regard to Jihad, I would argue that the Islamic schools, or madrassa, are as formulaic as the textbooks and McSchools that Ritzer rightly complains about. And so in conclusion, I find George Ritzer's The Globalization of Nothing highly provocative, useful in its dialectic of something and nothing and glocalization vs grobalization in terms of theorizing globalization. As noted, I would have liked to see more of a dialectic of production and consumption, which I

think would have enriched the project. Someone still needs to rewrite Marx's account of capitalism and the alienation of labor, in terms of global and hi-tech production and labor and new forms of culture and consumption. Nick Dyer-Witheford in CyberMarxhas begun this enterprise, and those wishing to continue this thematic could well use many of Ritzer's categories applied to production and labour. Hence, whereas Ritzer's text is useful for illuminating aspects of consumption and globalization, the dialectic of production and consumption on local, national, and global scales still needs to be taken up.

McDonaldization is the major example used by Nederveen Pieterse to illustrate the cultural convergence paradigm. Indeed, as we will see in this chapter, much of the debate surrounding the "McDonaldization thesis" deals with the issue of whether the model that is associated with the creation of the McDonald's chain in 1955 is accepted and practiced uniformly throughout the world. We begin with "An Introduction to McDonaldization" from the fifth edition of The McDonaldization of Society. The basic definition of McDonaldization makes clear the fact that it is seen as a global phenomenon. That is, McDonaldization is defined as "the process by which the principles of the fast-food restaurant are coming to dominate more and more sectors of American society as well as the rest of the world." It is the latter, italicized, phrase that makes it clear that McDonaldization is a global phenomenon. It is a global phenomenon in several obvious senses: McDonald's and other McDonaldized chains (both inside and outside the fast-food industry) have proliferated around the globe, other nations have developed their own McDonaldized chains, and now other nations are exporting their McDonaldized chains to the US. McDonald's, itself, has become a global icon that at least some consider more iconic than the US itself, or at least its ambassadors and embassies. However, we should bear in mind that 1

McDonaldization is not restricted to McDonald's, the fast-food industry, and even food. Rather it is seen as a wide-ranging process affecting many sectors of society (e.g. religion, education, and criminal justice). The key to McDonaldization, as is made clear in the above definition, is its dimensions: efficiency, calculability, predictability, control, and, paradoxically, the irrationality of the seemingly highly rational process of McDonaldization. The key point is that the heart of McDonaldization is these principles and the system or structure that they represent and create. The issue from the point of view of globalization is the degree to which these principles and systems/structures have been globalized. As we will see, the critics of McDonaldization from the point of view of globalization tend to focus on things like the differences in the food in McDonald's in different parts of the world. While this is an issue, it does not get to the heart of whether McDonaldization has been globalized or whether it has tended to lead to at least some degree of homogeneity throughout the world. The central issue is whether McDonald's, and other McDonaldized systems, wherever they are in the world, adhere to the basic principles outlined above; whether they are based on the same system or structure. Malcolm Waters contends that Ritzer argues that globalization must be seen as homogenization.


However, Ritzer does not equate McDonaldization with globalization; globalization is clearly a much broader process of which McDonaldization is but one component. Waters's second point is much more interesting and provocative. He recognizes that while McDonaldization may have homogenizing effects, it also can be used by local communities throughout the world in ways that are unanticipated by the forces that push it. That is, McDonaldization may be used in ways that further heterogeneity rather than homogeneity. James Watson draws a number of conclusions that tend to support Waters's position on, and the critique of, McDonaldization as being inextricably linked to homogenization. Although Watson recognizes that McDonaldization has led to small and influential changes in East Asia that have made it and its dietary patterns more like those in the West, his most general conclusion is that "East Asian consumers have quietly, and in some cases stubbornly, transformed their neighborhood McDonald's into local institutions." This represents not only a lack of global homogeneity, but resistance to it. 2

One of Watson's most interesting contentions is that East Asian cities are being reinvented so rapidly that it is hard even to differentiate between what is local and what is global. That is, the global is adopted and adapted so rapidly that it becomes part of the local. Thus, many Japanese children are likely to think that Ronald McDonald is Japanese. Watson also does not see McDonald's as a typical transnational corporation with headquarters in the first world. Rather, to him, McDonald's is more like "a federation of semiautonomous enterprises" with the result that local McDonald's are empowered to go their separate ways, at least to some degree. Thus, locals have accepted some of McDonald's "standard operating procedures," but they have also modified or rejected others. McDonald's undergoes a process of localization whereby the locals, especially young people, no longer see it as a "foreign" entity. While Watson takes the process of localization as a positive development, it can also be seen as more worrisome from the perspective of those who are concerned about the growing McDonaldization of the world. If McDonaldization remains a "foreign" presence, it is easy to identify and oppose, at least by those concerned about it. However, if it worms its

way into the local culture and comes to be perceived as a local phenomenon, it becomes virtually impossible to identify and to oppose. Bryan Turner surveys the ways in which McDonald's has modified itself in order to fit into various regions of the world: Russia, Australia, Asia, and the Middle East. He demonstrates the global power and reach of McDonald's and McDonaldization. He, like most other critics, focuses on the food - not the principles and concludes that McDonald's has made major modifications in its menu in many locales. He sees this as compromising the basic McDonald's model burgers and fries - at least as far as food is concerned. Turner's limited perspective is shaped by his view that: "At the end of the day, McDonald's simply is a burger joint." This, of course, stands in contrast to the view in The McDonaldization of Society that in spawning McDonaldization, McDonald's is far more than a burger joint. Rather it is a framework with a basic set of principles that has served as a model for the creation and orchestration of a wide range of social structures and social institutions in the United States and throughout the world. 3

Bryman understands that McDonaldization is really about systems for accomplishing various tasks and achieving various goals. In fact, such systems define not only McDonaldization but also Disneyization. The key is the basic principles of McDonaldization (and Disneyization) that lie at the base of these systems. And those principles remain essentially the same whatever products and/or services are being proffered and wherever in the world they are on offer. This perspective reduces the import of the critiques offered by analysts like Waters, Watson, and especially Turner because their focus is largely limited to the foods and the ways in which they are adapted to different cultures. Uri Ram understands this fact and demonstrates it in a case study of McDonald's in Israel. Although McDonald's has been successful there, it has not destroyed the local falafel industry. Rather, one part of the falafel business has been McDonaldized, while another has been "gourmetized." Depicted is a complex mix of the global and the local rather than one winning out over the other. Ram puts this in the context of the debate between one-way (e.g. McDonaldization, although now that process is multidirectional and not just running from the US to


the rest of the world) and two-way (e.g. Appadurai's "landscapes" ) models of globalization. Ram responds creatively that both approaches are correct but on different levels. Structurally, he sees a one-way model as predominant, but symbolically it is a two-way street. So, much of the falafel industry in Israel has been transformed structurally into an industrial standardized system - a McDonaldized system. Symbolically, a two-way system is operant, with the falafel and the McDonald's hamburger coexisting and mutually 4

affecting one another. Thus, although Israel is characterized by considerable structural uniformity, symbolically Israel remains internally differentiated as well as different from other societies, including the US. However, Ram seems to betray this perspective by arguing that Israeli differences have only "managed to linger on." Such phrasing seems to indicate that even to Ram, symbolic differences, like structural differences, may disappear, leading to increasing McDonaldization in both realms.



of Society,

Scientist 47, 2, 2003: 151. W h a t is most surprising

5th edn. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge, 2008, 1,

about this assertion is that Turner, a Weberian

italics added.

scholar, should know better. Such an assertion is

James L. Watson, "Transnationalism, Localization,

akin to critiquing Weber's work by saying that "a

and Fast Foods in East Asia." In James L. Watson,

bureaucracy is simply an organization." Bureaucracy


plays the same paradigmatic role in Weber's work as











McDonald's does in Ritzer's.

Asia. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997, 6. 3




Modernity at



Bryan S. Turner, "McDonaldization: Linearity and

Dimensions of Globalization. Minneapolis: University

Liquidity in Consumer Cultures." American Behavioral

of Minnesota Press, 1996.

Introduction to McDonaldization

An Introduction to McDonaldization George Ritzer

McDonald's has been a resounding success in the international arena. Over half of McDonald's restaurants are outside the United States (in the mid 1980s, only 2 5 % of McDonald's were outside the United States). The majority (233) of the 280 new restaurants opened in 2006 were overseas (in the United States, the number of restaurants increased by only 47). Well over half of the revenue for McDonald's comes from its overseas operations. McDonald's restaurants are now found in 118 nations around the world, serving 50 million customers a day. The leader by far, as of the beginning of 2007, is Japan with 3,828 restaurants, followed by Canada with over 1,375 and Germany with over 1,200. There are currently 780 McDonald's restaurants in China (but Yum! Brands operates over 2,000 KFCs - the Chinese greatly prefer chicken to beef - and 300 Pizza Huts in China). McDonald's will add 100 new restaurants a year in China with a goal of 1,000 restaurants by the opening of the 2008 Beijing Olympics (but KFC will add 400 a year!). As of 2006, there were 155 McDonald's in Russia, and the company plans to open many more restaurants in the former Soviet Union and in the vast new territory in eastern Europe that has been laid bare to the invasion of fast-food restaurants. Although there have been recent setbacks for McDonald's in Great Britain, that nation remains the "fast-food capital of Europe," and Israel is described as "McDonaldized," with its shopping malls populated by "Ace Hardware, Toys 'R' Us, Office Depot, andTCBY." Many highly McDonaldized firms outside the fastfood industry have also had success globally. Although most of Blockbuster's 9,000-plus sites are in the United States, about 2,000 of them are found in 24 other countries. Wal-Mart is the world's largest retailer with 1.8 million employees and over $312 billion in sales. There are almost 4,000 of its stores in the United States (as of 2006). It opened its first international store

(in Mexico) in 1991; it now has more than 2,700 units in Puerto Rico, Canada, Mexico, Argentina, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Brazil, China, Korea, Japan, Germany, and the United Kingdom. In any given week, more than 175 million customers visit Wal-Mart stores worldwide. Other nations have developed their own variants on the McDonald's chain. Canada has a chain of coffee shops called Tim Hortons (merged with Wendy's in 1995), with 2,711 outlets (336 in the United States). It is Canada's largest food service provider with nearly twice as many outlets as McDonald's in that country. The chain has 6 2 % of the coffee business (Starbucks is a distant second with just 7% of that business). Paris, a city whose love for fine cuisine might lead you to think it would prove immune to fast food, has a large number of fast-food croissanteries; the revered French bread has also been McDonaldized. India has a chain of fast-food restaurants, Nirula's, that sells mutton burgers (about 8 0 % of Indians are Hindus, who eat no beef) as well as local Indian cuisine. Mos Burger is a Japanese chain with over 1,600 restaurants that, in addition to the usual fare, sell Teriyaki chicken burgers, rice burgers, and "Oshiruko with brown rice cake." Perhaps the most unlikely spot for an indigenous fast-food restaurant, war-ravaged Beirut of 1984, witnessed the opening of Juicy Burger, with a rainbow instead of golden arches and J. B. the Clown standing in for Ronald McDonald. Its owners hoped it would become the "McDonald's of the Arab world." In the immediate wake of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, clones of McDonald's (sporting names like "MaDonal" and "Matbax") opened in that country complete with hamburgers, french fries, and even golden arches. And now McDonaldization is coming full circle. Other countries with their own McDonaldized institutions have begun to export them to the United States. The Body Shop, an ecologically sensitive British cosmetics chain, had, as of 2006, over 2,100 shops in

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55 nations, 300 of them in the United States. American firms have followed the lead and opened copies of this British chain, such as Bath & Body Works. Pret A Manger, a chain of sandwich shops that also originated in Great Britain (interestingly, McDonald's purchased a 3 3 % minority share of the company in 2001), has over 150 company-owned and -run restaurants, mostly in the United Kingdom but now also in New York, Hong Kong, and Tokyo. Polio Campero was founded in Guatemala in 1971 and by mid-2006 had more than 200 restaurants in Latin America and the United States. In the latter, 23 restaurants were in several major cities, and the company planned to open 10 more in such cities by the end of 2006. (Jollibee, a Philippine chain, has 10 US outlets.) Though Polio Campero is a smaller presence in the United States than the American-owned Polio Tropical chain (which has 80 U.S. outlets), Polio Campero is more significant because it involves the invasion of the United States, the home of fast food, by a foreign chain. IKEA (more on this important chain later), a Swedish-based (but Dutch-owned) home furnishings company, did about 17.6 billion euros of business in 2006, derived from the over 410 million people visiting their 251 stores in 34 countries. Purchases were also made from the 160 million copies of their catalog printed in over 44 languages. In fact, that catalog is reputed to print annually the second largest number of copies in the world, just after the Bible. IKEA's web site features over 12,000 products and reported over 125 million "hits" in 2006. Another international chain to watch in the coming years is HckM clothing, founded in 1947 and now operating 1,345 stores in 24 countries with plans to open another 170 stores by the end of2007. It currently employs over 60,000 people and sells more than 500 million items a year. Based in Spain, Inditex Group, whose flagship store is Zara, overtook H&M in March 2006 to become Europe's largest fashion retailer with more than 3,100 stores in 64 countries. [...] At the opening of the McDonald's in Moscow, one journalist described the franchise as the "ultimate icon of Americana." When Pizza Hut opened in Moscow in 1990, a Russian student said, "It's a piece of America." Reflecting on the growth of fast-food restaurants in Brazil, an executive associated with Pizza Hut of Brazil said that his nation "is experiencing a passion for things

American." On the popularity of Kentucky Fried Chicken in Malaysia, the local owner said, "Anything Western, especially American, people here love [...] They want to be associated with America." One could go further and argue that in at least some ways McDonald's has become more important than the United States itself. Take the following story about a former US ambassador to Israel officiating at the opening of the first McDonald's in Jerusalem wearing a baseball hat with the McDonald's golden arches logo: An Israeli teen-ager walked up to him, carrying his own McDonald's hat, which he handed to Ambassador Indyk with a pen and asked: "Are you the Ambassador? Can I have your autograph?" Somewhat sheepishly, Ambassador Indyk replied: "Sure. I've never been asked for my autograph before." As the Ambassador prepared to sign his name, the Israeli teen-ager said to him, "Wow, what's it like to be the ambassador from McDonald's, going around the world opening McDonald's restaurants everywhere?" Ambassador Indyk looked at the Israeli youth and said, "No, no. I'm the American ambassador - not the ambassador from McDonald's!" Ambassador Indyk described what happened next: "I said to him, 'Does this mean you don't want my autograph?' And the kid said, 'No, I don't want your autograph,' and he took his hat back and walked away." Two other indices of the significance of McDonald's (and, implicitly, McDonaldization) are worth mentioning. The first is the annual "Big Mac Index" (part of "burgernomics"), published, tongue-in-cheek, by a prestigious magazine, the Economist. It indicates the purchasing power of various currencies around the world based on the local price (in dollars) of the Big Mac. The Big Mac is used because it is a uniform commodity sold in many different nations. In the 2007 survey, a Big Mac in the United States cost an average of $3.22; in China it was $1.41; in Switzerland it cost $5.5; the costliest was $7.44 in Iceland. This measure indicates, at least roughly, where the cost of living is high or low, as well as which currencies are undervalued (China) and which are overvalued (Switzerland). Although the Economist is calculating the Big Mac Index only half-seriously, the index represents the ubiquity and importance of McDonald's around the world.

Introduction to McDonaldization

The second indicator of the global significance of McDonald's is the idea developed by Thomas Friedman that "no two countries that both have a McDonald's have ever fought a war since they each got McDonald's." Friedman calls this the "Golden Arches Theory of Conflict Prevention." Another tonguein-cheek idea, it implies that the path to world peace lies through the continued international expansion of McDonald's. Unfortunately, it was proved wrong by the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, which had McDonald's at the time (as of 2007, there are 16 McDonald's there). To many people throughout the world, McDonald's has become a sacred institution. At that opening of the McDonald's in Moscow, a worker spoke of it "as if it were the Cathedral in Chartres [...] a place to experience 'celestial joy.'" Kowinski argues that indoor shopping malls, which almost always encompass fast-food restaurants, are the modern "cathedrals of consumption" to which people go to practice their "consumer religion." Similarly, a visit to another central element of McDonaldized society, Walt Disney World, has been described as "the middle-class hajj, the compulsory visit to the sunbaked holy city." [...]

The Dimensions of McDonaldization Why has the McDonald's model proven so irresistible? Eating fast food at McDonald's has certainly become a "sign" that, among other things, one is in tune with the contemporary lifestyle. There is also a kind of magic or enchantment associated with such food and its settings. The focus here, however, is on the four alluring dimensions that lie at the heart of the success of this model and, more generally, of McDonaldization. In short, McDonald's has succeeded because it offers consumers, workers, and managers efficiency, calculability, predictability, and control. [...]

Efficiency One important element of the success of McDonald's is efficiency, or the optimum method for getting from one point to another. For consumers, McDonald's

(its drive-through is a good example) offers the best available way to get from being hungry to being full. The fast-food model offers, or at least appears to offer, an efficient method for satisfying many other needs, as well. Woody Allen's orgasmatron offered an efficient method for getting people from quiescence to sexual gratification. Other institutions fashioned on the McDonald's model offer similar efficiency in exercising, losing weight, lubricating cars, getting new glasses or contacts, or completing income tax forms. Like their customers, workers in McDonaldized systems function efficiently by following the steps in a predesigned process.

Calculability Calculability emphasizes the quantitative aspects of products sold (portion size, cost) and services offered (the time it takes to get the product). In McDonaldized systems, quantity has become equivalent to quality; a lot of something, or the quick delivery of it, means it must be good. As two observers of contemporary American culture put it, "As a culture, we tend to believe deeply that in general 'bigger is better.'" People can quantify things and feel that they are getting a lot of food for what appears to be a nominal sum of money (best exemplified by the McDonald's current "Dollar Menu," which played a key role in recent years in leading McDonald's out of its doldrums and to steadily increasing sales). In a recent Denny's ad, a man says, "I'm going to eat too much, but I'm never going to pay too much." This calculation does not take into account an important point, however: the high profit margin of fast-food chains indicates that the owners, not the consumers, get the best deal. People also calculate how much time it will take to drive to McDonald's, be served the food, eat it, and return home; they then compare that interval to the time required to prepare food at home. They often conclude, rightly or wrongly, that a trip to the fastfood restaurant will take less time than eating at home. This sort of calculation particularly supports home delivery franchises such as Domino's, as well as other chains that emphasize saving time. A notable example of time savings in another sort of chain is LensCrafters, which promises people "Glasses fast, glasses in one hour." H&M is known for its "fast fashion."

G e o r g e Ritzer

Some McDonaldized institutions combine the emphases on time and money. Domino's promises pizza delivery in half an hour, or the pizza is free. Pizza Hut will serve a personal pan pizza in 5 minutes, or it, too, will be free. Workers in McDonaldized systems also emphasize the quantitative rather than the qualitative aspects of their work. Since the quality of the work is allowed to vary little, workers focus on things such as how quickly tasks can be accomplished. In a situation analogous to that of the customer, workers are expected to do a lot of work, very quickly, for low pay.

Predictability McDonald's also offers predictability, the assurance that products and services will be the same over time and in all locales. The Egg McMuffin in New York will be, for all intents and purposes, identical to those in Chicago and Los Angeles. Also, those eaten next week or next year will be identical to those eaten today. Customers take great comfort in knowing that McDonald's offers no surprises. People know that the next Egg McMuffin they eat will not be awful, although it will not be exceptionally delicious, either. The success of the McDonald's model suggests that many people have come to prefer a world in which there are few surprises. "This is strange," notes a British observer, "considering [McDonald's is] the product of a culture which honours individualism above all." The workers in McDonaldized systems also behave in predictable ways. They follow corporate rules as well as the dictates of their managers. In many cases, what they do, and even what they say, is highly predictable.

Control The fourth element in the success of McDonald's, control, is exerted over the people who enter the world of McDonald's. Lines, limited menus, few options, and uncomfortable seats all lead diners to do what management wishes them to do - eat quickly and leave. Furthermore, the drive-through (in some cases, walk-through) window invites diners to leave before they eat. In the Domino's model, customers never enter in the first place.

The people who work in McDonaldized organizations are also controlled to a high degree, usually more blatantly and directly than customers. They are trained to do a limited number of things in precisely the way they are told to do them. This control is reinforced by the technologies used and the way the organization is set up to bolster this control. Managers and inspectors make sure that workers toe the line.

A Critique of McDonaldization: the Irrationality of Rationality McDonaldization offers powerful advantages. In fact, efficiency, predictability, calculability, and control through nonhuman technology (that is, technology that controls people rather than being controlled by them) can be thought of as not only the basic components of a rational system but also as powerful advantages of such a system. However, rational systems inevitably spawn irrationalities. The downside of McDonaldization will be dealt with most systematically under the heading of the irrationality of rationality; in fact, paradoxically, the irrationality of rationality can be thought of as the fifth dimension of McDonaldization [...] Criticism, in fact, can be applied to all facets of the McDonaldizing world. As just one example, at the opening of Euro Disney, a French politician said that it will "bombard France with uprooted creations that are to culture what fast food is to gastronomy." Although McDonaldization offers many advantages [ . . . ] , this book will focus on the great costs and enormous risks of McDonaldization. McDonald's and other purveyors of the fast-food model spend billions of dollars each year detailing the benefits of their system. Critics of the system, however, have few outlets for their ideas. For example, no one sponsors commercials between Saturday-morning cartoons warning children of the dangers associated with fast-food restaurants. Nonetheless, a legitimate question may be raised about this critique of McDonaldization: is it animated by a romanticization of the past, an impossible desire to return to a world that no longer exists? Some critics do base their critiques on nostalgia for a time when life was slower and offered more surprises, when at least some people (those who were better off economically)

Introduction to McDonaldization

were freer, and when one was more likely to deal with a human being than a robot or a computer. Although they have a point, these critics have undoubtedly exaggerated the positive aspects of a world without McDonald's, and they have certainly tended to forget the liabilities associated with earlier eras. As an example of the latter, take the following anecdote about a visit to a pizzeria in Havana, Cuba, which in some respects is decades behind the United States:

The pizza's not much to rave about - they scrimp on tomato sauce, and the dough is mushy. It was about 7:30 p.m., and as usual the place was standing-room-only, with people two deep jostling for a stool to come open and a waiting line spilling out onto the sidewalk. The menu is similarly Spartan [...] To drink, there is tap water. That's it - no toppings, no soda, no beer, no coffee, no salt, no pepper. And no special orders. A very few people are eating. Most are waiting [...] Fingers are drumming, flies are buzzing, the clock is ticking. The waiter wears a watch around his belt loop, but he hardly needs it; time is evidently not his chief concern. After a while, tempers begin to fray. But right now, it's 8:45 p.m. at the pizzeria, I've been waiting an hour and a quarter for two small pies. Few would prefer such a restaurant to the fast, friendly, diverse offerings of, say, Pizza Hut. More important, however, critics who revere the past do not seem to realize that we are not returning to such a world. In fact, fast-food restaurants have begun to appear even in Havana (and many more are likely after the death of Fidel Castro). The increase in the number of people crowding the planet, the acceleration of technological change, the increasing pace of life - all this and more make it impossible to go back to the world, if it ever existed, of home-cooked meals, traditional restaurant dinners, high-quality foods, meals loaded with surprises, and restaurants run by chefs free to express their creativity. It is more valid to critique McDonaldization from the perspective of a conceivable future. Unfettered by the constraints of McDonaldized systems, but using the technological advances made possible by them, people could have the potential to be far more thoughtful, skillful, creative, and well-rounded than they are now.

In short, if the world was less McDonaldized, people would be better able to live up to their human potential. We must look at McDonaldization as both "enabling" and "constraining." McDonaldized systems enable us to do many things we were not able to do in the past; however, these systems also keep us from doing things we otherwise would do. McDonaldization is a "doubleedged" phenomenon. We must not lose sight of that fact, even though this book will focus on the constraints associated with McDonaldization - its "dark side."

Illustrating the Dimensions of McDonaldization: the Case of IKEA An interesting example of McDonaldization, especially since it has its roots in Sweden rather than the United States, is IKEA. Its popularity stems from the fact that it offers at very low prices trendy furniture based on well-known Swedish designs. It has a large and devoted clientele throughout the world. What is interesting about IKEA from the point of view of this book is how well it fits the dimensions of McDonaldization. The similarities go beyond that, however. For example, just as with the opening of a new McDonald's, there is great anticipation over the opening of the first IKEA in a particular location. Just the rumor that one was to open in Dayton, Ohio, led to the following statement: "We here in Dayton are peeing our collective pants waiting for the IKEA announcement." IKEA is also a global phenomenon - it is now in 34 countries (including China and Japan) and sells in those countries both its signature products as well as those more adapted to local tastes and interests. In terms of efficiency, IKEA offers one-stop furniture shopping with an extraordinary range of furniture. In general, there is no waiting for one's purchases, since a huge warehouse is attached to each store (one often enters through the warehouse), with large numbers of virtually everything in stock. Much of the efficiency at IKEA stems from the fact that customers are expected to do a lot of the work: •

Unlike McDonald's, there are relatively few IKEA's in any given area; thus, customers most often spend many hours driving great distances to get to a store. This is known as the "IKEA road trip."

G e o r g e Ritzer

On entry, customers are expected to take a map to guide themselves through the huge and purposely maze-like store (IKEA hopes, like Las Vegas casinos, that customers will get "lost" in the maze and wander for hours, spending money as they go). There are no employees to guide anyone, but there are arrows painted on the floor that customers can follow on their own. Also upon entry, customers are expected to grab a pencil and an order form and to write down the shelf and bin numbers for the larger items they wish to purchase; a yellow shopping bag is to be picked up on entry for smaller items. There are few employees and little in the way of help available as customers wander through the stores. Customers can switch from a shopping bag to a shopping cart after leaving the showroom and entering the marketplace, where they can pick up other smaller items. If customers eat in the cafeteria, they are expected to clean their tables after eating. There is even this helpful sign: "Why should I clean my own table? At IKEA, cleaning your own table at the end of your meal is one of the reasons you paid less at the start." Most of the furniture sold is unassembled in flat packages, and customers are expected to load most of the items (except the largest) into their cars themselves. After they get home, they must break down (and dispose) of the packaging and then put their furniture together; the only tool supposedly required is an Allen wrench. If the furniture does not fit into your car, you can rent a truck on site to transport it home or have it delivered, although the cost tends to be high, especially relative to the price paid for the furniture. To get a catalog, customers often sign up online.

Calculability is at the heart of IKEA, especially the idea that what is offered is at a very low price. Like a McDonald's "Dollar Menu," one can get a lot of furniture - a roomful, even a houseful - at bargain

prices. As with value meals, customers feel they are getting value for their money. (There is even a large cafeteria offering low-priced food, including the chain's signature Swedish meatballs and 99-cent breakfasts.) However, as is always the case in McDonaldizcd settings, low price generally means that the quality is inferior, and it is often the case that IKEA products fall apart in relatively short order. IKEA also emphasizes the huge size of its stores, which often approach 300,000 square feet or about four to five football fields. This mammoth size leads the consumer to believe that there will be a lot of furniture offered (and there is) and that, given the store's reputation, most of it will be highly affordable. Of course, there is great predictability about any given IKEA - large parking lots, a supervised children's play area (where IKEA provides personnel, but only because supervised children give parents more time and peace of mind to shop and spend), the masses of inexpensive, Swedish-design furniture, exit through the warehouse and the checkout counters, boxes to take home with furniture requiring assembly, and so on. An IKEA is a highly controlled environment, mainly in the sense that the maze-like structure of the store virtually forces the consumer to traverse the entire place and to see virtually everything it has to offer. If one tries to take a path other than that set by IKEA, one is likely to become lost and disoriented. There seems to be no way out that does not lead to the checkout counter, where you pay for your purchases. There are a variety of irrationalities associated with the rationality of IKEA, most notably the poor quality of most of its products. Although the furniture is purportedly easy to assemble, many are more likely to think of it as "impossible-to-assemble." Then there are the often long hours required to get to an IKEA, to wander through it, to drive back home, and then to assemble the purchases. [...]

Global Culture of Consumption

McDonaldization and the Global Culture of Consumption Malcolm Waters On the face of it [...] Ritzer offers a persuasive case that McDonaldization is an influential globalizing flow. The imperatives of the rationalization of consumption appear to drive McDonald's and like enterprises into every corner of the globe so that all localities are assimilated. The imperatives of such rationalization are expressed neatly: fCJonsumption is work, it takes time and it competes with itself since choosing, hauling, maintaining and repairing the things we buy is so time-consuming that we are forced to save time on eating, drinking, sex, dressing, sleeping, exercising and relaxing. The result is that Americans have taught us to eat standing, walking, running and driving - and, above all, never to finish a meal in favour of the endless snack [...] we can now pizza, burger, fry and coffee ourselves as quickly as we can gas our autos. [...] The globalization of "McTopia," a paradise of effortless and instantaneous consumption, is also underpinned by its democratizing effect. It democratizes by de-skilling, but not merely by de-skilling McWorkers but also by de-skilling family domestic labor. The kitchen is invaded by frozen food and microwaves so that domestic cooks, usually women, can provide McDonaldized fare at home. In the process, non-cooks, usually men and children, can share the cooking. Meals can become "de-familized" (i.e., de-differentiated) insofar as all members can cook, purchase, and consume the same fatty, starchy, sugary foods. Consequently, while "America is the only country in the world where the rich eat as badly as the poor," the appeal of such "gastronomic leveling" can serve as a magnet for others elsewhere. However, we can put in perspective the alarmist in Ritzer's neo-Weberian suggestions that globalization

will lead to a homogenized common culture of consumption if we expose them to the full gamut of globalization theory. Globalization theory normally specifies that a globalized culture is chaotic rather than orderly - it is integrated and connected so that the meanings of its components are "relativized" to one another but it is not unified or centralized. The absolute globalization of culture would involve the creation of a common but hyperdifferentiated field of value, taste, and style opportunities, accessible by each individual without constraint for purposes either of self-expression or consumption. Under a globalized cultural regime, Islam would not be linked to particular territorially based communities in the Middle East, North Africa, and Asia but would be universally available across the planet and with varying degrees of "orthodoxy." Similarly, in the sphere of the political ideology, the apparently opposed political values of private property and power sharing might be combined to establish new ideologies of economic enterprise. In the sphere of consumption, cardboard hamburgers would be available not only in Pasadena but anywhere in the world, just as classical French cuisine would be available not only in Escoffier's in Paris but anywhere. A globalized culture thus admits a continuous flow of ideas, information, commitment, values, and tastes mediated through mobile individuals, symbolic tokens, and electronic simulations. Its key feature is to suggest that the world is one place not because it is homogenized but because it accepts only social differentiation and not spatial or geographical differentiation. These flows give a globalized culture a particular shape. First, it links together previously encapsulated and formerly homogeneous cultural niches. Local developments and preferences are ineluctably shaped by similar patterns occurring in very distant locations. Second, it allows for the development of genuinely

Malcolm Waters

transnational cultures not linked to any particular nation-state-society, which may be either novel or syncretistic. Appadurai's increasingly influential argument about the global cultural economy identifies several of the important fields in which these developments take place. The fields are identified by the suffix "-scape"; that is, they are globalized mental pictures of the social world perceived from the flows of cultural objects. The flows include ethnoscapes, the distribution of mobile individuals (tourists, migrants, refugees, etc.); technoscapes, the distribution of technology; finanscapes, the distribution of capital; mediascapes, the distribution of information; and ideoscapes, the distribution of political ideas and values (e.g., freedom, democracy, human rights). McDonaldization infiltrates several of these flows, including ethnoscapes, technoscapes, finanscapes, and ideoscapes. However, its effects are by no means universally homogenizing. The dynamics that are at work center on processes of relativization, reflexivity, and localization that operate against the assumed capacity of McDonaldization to regiment consumer behavior into uniform patterns. The return of agency that many authors have identified is not simply a series of isolated and individualized coping reactions of the type advocated by Ritzer in McDonaldization but a generalized feature of contemporary society that arises from the intersection of these globalizing flows. Indeed, such developments might be called the dysfunctions of McDonaldization in much the way that post-Weberian organizational theorists wrote of the dysfunctions of bureaucracy [...] The term "relativization" [...] implies that globalizing flows do not simply swamp local differences. Rather, it implies that the inhabitants of local contexts must now make sense of their lifeworlds not only by reference to embedded traditions and practices but by reference to events occurring in distant places. McDonaldization is such an intrusive, neonistic development that it implies decisions about whether to accept its modernizing and rationalizing potential or to reject it in favor of a reassertion of local products and traditions. In some instances, this may involve a reorganization of local practices to meet the challenge. If we remain at the mundane level of hamburgers to find our examples, there is a story about the introduction of McDonald's in the Philippines that can illustrate the point:

Originally, Filipino hamburger chains marketed their product on the basis of its "Americanness." However, when McDonald's entered the field and, as it were, monopolized the symbols of "Americanness," the indigenous chains began to market their product on the basis of local taste. The relativization effect of McDonaldization goes of course much further than this because it involves the global diffusion not only of particular products but of icons of American capitalist culture. Relativizing reactions can therefore encompass highly generalized responses to that culture, whether positive or negative. As people increasingly become implicated in global cultural flows they also become more reflexive. [...] Participation in a global system means that one's lifeworld is determined by impersonal flows of money and expertise that are beyond one's personal or even organizational control. If European governments cannot even control the values of their currencies against speculation, then individual lifeworlds must be highly vulnerable. Aware of such risk, people constantly watch, seek information about, and consider the value of money and the validity of expertise. Modern society is therefore specifically reflexive in character. Social activity is constantly informed by flows of information and analysis that subject it to continuous revision and thereby constitute and reproduce it. "Knowing what to do" in modern society, even in such resolutely traditional contexts as kinship or child rearing, almost always involves acquiring knowledge about how to do it from books, or television programs, or expert consultations, rather than relying on habit, mimesis, or authoritative direction from elders. McDonaldization is implicated in this process precisely because it challenges the validity of habit and tradition by introducing expertly rationalized systems, especially insofar as its capacity to commercialize and to commodity has never been in doubt. The concept of localization is connected with the notions of relativization and reflexivity. The latter imply that the residents of a local area will increasingly come to want to make conscious decisions about which values and amenities they want to stress in their communities and that these decisions will increasingly be referenced against global scapes. Localization implies a reflexive reconstruction of community in the face of

Global Culture of Consumption

the dehumanizing implications of such rationalizing and commodifying forces as McDonaldization. The activist middle classes who mobilize civic initiatives and heritage preservation associations often stand in direct opposition to the expansion of McDonaldized outlets and hark back to an often merely imagined prior golden age. Returning to more abstract issues, these three processes can assure us that a globalized world will not be a McWorld. It is a world with the potential for the displacement of local homogeneity not by global homogeneity but by global diversity. Three developments can confirm this hopeful prognosis. First, one of the features of Fordist mass-production systems, of which McDonaldization might be the ultimate example, is that they sought to standardize at the levels of both production and consumption. Ultimately, they failed not only because they refused to recognize that responsible and committed workers would produce more in quantity and quality than controlled and alienated ones but because markets for standardized products became saturated. The succeeding paradigm of "flexible specialization" involved flexibly contracted workers using multiple skills and computerized machinery to dovetail products to rapidly shifting market demand. So consumer products took on a new form and function. Taste became the only determinant of their utility, so it became ephemeral and subject to whim. Product demand is determined by fashion, and unfashionable products are disposable. Moreover, taste and fashion became linked to social standing as product-based classes appeared as central features of social organization. The outcome has been a restless search by producers for niche-marketing strategies in which they can multiply product variation in order to match market demand. In many instances, this has forced a downscaling of enterprises that can maximize market sensitivity. Correspondingly, affluent consumers engage in a restless search for authenticity. The intersection of these trends implies a multiplication of products and production styles. The world is becoming an enormous bazaar as much as a consumption factory. One of the most impressive examples of consumer and producer resistance to rationalization is the French bread industry, which is as non-McDonaldized as can be. [...] Consumers and producers struggled collec-

tively against invasions by industrialized bakers, the former to preserve the authenticity of their food, the latter to maintain independent enterprises. Breadbaking is an artisanal form of production that reproduces peasant domestic traditions. About 80 percent of baking (Ritzer's Croissantenes notwithstanding) is still done in small firms. The product, of course, is the envy of global, middle-class consumers. This diversification is accelerated by an aestheticization of production. As is well known, the history of modern society involves an increasing production of mass-cultural items. For most of this century, this production has been Fordist in character, an obvious example being broadcasting by large-scale private or state TV networks to closed markets. Three key features in the current period are the deregulation of markets by the introduction of direct-satellite and broadband fiber-optic technology; the vertical disintegration of aesthetic production to produce "a transaction-rich nexus of markets linking small firms, often of one self-employed person"; and the tendency of dedifferentiation of producer and consumer within emerging multimedia technologies associated with the Internet and interactive television. The implication is that a very rapidly increasing proportion of consumption is aesthetic in character, that aesthetic production is taking place within an increasingly perfectionalized market, and that these aesthetic products are decreasingly susceptible to McDonaldization. An enormous range of individualized, unpredictable, inefficient, and irrational products can be inspected simply by surfing the Internet. The last development that can disconfirm the thesis of a homogenized global culture is the way in which globalization has released opposing forces of opinion, commitment, and interest that many observers find threatening to the fabric of society and indeed to global security. One of these is the widespread religious revivalism that is often expressed as fundamentalism. Globalization carries the discontents of modernization and postmodernization (including McDonaldization) to religious traditions that might previously have remained encapsulated. [...] Religious systems are obliged to relativize themselves to these global postmodernizing trends. This relativization can involve an embracement of postmodernizing patterns, an abstract and humanistic ecumenism, but it can also take the

Malcolm Waters

form of a rejective search for original traditions. It is this latter that has given rise to both Islamic fundamentalism and [...] the New Christian Right. Globalization equally contributes to ethnic diversity. It pluralizes the world by recognizing the value of cultural niches and local abilities. Importantly, it weakens the putative nexus between nation and state releasing absorbed ethnic minorities and allowing the reconstitution of nations across former state boundaries. This is especially important in the context of states that are confederations of minorities. It can actually alter the mix of ethnic identities in any nation-state by virtue of the flow of economic migrants from relatively disadvantaged sectors of the globe to relatively advantaged ones. Previously homogeneous nation-states have, as a consequence, moved in the direction of multiculturalism.

Conclusion The paradox of McDonaldization is that in seeking to control consumers it recognizes that human individuals potentially are autonomous, a feature that is notoriously lacking in "cultural dupe" or "couch potato" theories of the spread of consumer culture. As dire as they may be, fast-food restaurants only take money in return for modestly nutritious and palatable fare. They do not seek to run the lives of their customers, although they might seek to run their diets. They attract rather than coerce so that one can always choose not to enter. Indeed, advertising gives consumers the message, however dubious, that they are exercising choice. It might therefore be argued, contra Ritzer, that consumer culture is the source of the increased cultural effectivity that is often argued to accompany globalization and postmodernization. Insofar as we have a consumer culture, the individual is expected to exercise choice. Under such a culture, political issues and work can equally become items of consumption. A liberal-democratic political system might only be possible where there is a culture of consumption precisely because it offers the possibility of election - even if such a democracy itself tends to become McDonaldized, as leaders become the mass-mediated images of photo opportunities and juicy one-liners, and issues are drawn in starkly simplistic packages. Equally, work

can no longer be expected to be a duty or a calling or even a means of creative self-expression. Choice of occupation, indeed choice of whether to work at all, can be expected increasingly to become a matter of status affiliation rather than of material advantage. Ritzer is about right when he suggests that McDonaldization is an extension, perhaps the ultimate extension, of Fordism. However, the implication is that just as one now has a better chance of finding a Fordist factory in Russia or India than in Detroit, it should not surprise us to find that McDonaldization is penetrating the furthest corners of the globe, and there is some indication that, as far as the restaurant goes, there is stagnation if not yet decline in the homeland. McDonaldization faces post-Fordist limits and part of the crisis that these limits imply involves a transformation to a chaotic, taste- and value-driven, irrational, and possibly threatening global society. It will not be harmonious, but the price of harmony would be to accept the predominance of Christendom, or Communism, or Fordism, or McDonaldism. This chapter, then, takes issue with the position taken by Ritzer. [...] First, there is a single globalizationlocalization process in which local sensibilities are aroused and exacerbated in fundamentalist forms by such modernizing flows as McDonaldization. Even in the fast-food realm, McDonaldization promotes demands for authenticity, even to the extent of the fundamentalism of vegetarianism. Second, the emerging global culture is likely to exhibit a rich level of diversity that arises out of this intersection. Globalization exposes each locality to numerous global flows so that any such locality can accommodate, to use food examples once again, not only burgers but a kaleidoscope of ethnically diverse possibilities hierarchically ordered by price and thus by the extent to which the meal has been crafted as opposed to manufactured. Thus while it is not possible to escape the ubiquity of McDonald's in one sense, the golden arches are indeed everywhere, in another it certainly is, one can simply drive by and buy either finger food from a market stall or haute cuisine at a high priced restaurant. Ritzer is not wrong then to argue that McDonaldization is a significant component of globalization. Rather, he is mistaken in assuming first that globalization must be understood as homogenization and second that McDonaldization only has homogenizing effects.

McDonald's Mosaic

The McDonald's Mosaic: Glocalization and Diversity Bryan S. Turner There is considerable ethnographic evidence that McDonald's outlets have adjusted to local circumstances by incorporating local cuisines and values into their customer services. The success of global McDonald's has been to organize and present itself as a local company, where it specifically aims to incorporate local taste and local dishes - the curry potato pie from Hong Kong, the Singapore Loveburger (grilled chicken, honey, and mustard sauce), and the Teriyaki burger (sausage patty) and the Tukbul burger with cheese for the Korean market. Let us take the Russian example. The Russian experience of Western culture in the last decade has been intensely ambiguous. The obvious seduction of Western consumerism that had begun in the 1970s continued into the early 1990s, and young people in particular rushed to embrace the latest Western consumer goods and habits. Yet unsurprisingly, the promise of a widespread democratic consumer culture has not been fulfilled. Among older Russians, there has been a growing nostalgia for a putative Russian "way of doing things" and a concomitant suspicion of Western cultural institutions. In this context of disappointed ambitions and expectations, one would expect McDonald's to be an obvious target of Russian hostility. Even in Western countries themselves, McDonald's is often seen as representative of the detrimental, exploitative, and pervasive reach of global capitalism. For many critics, McDonald's exploits and poisons workers. Its culture of fast and unimaginative food is symbolic of the worst aspects of consumerism. From a Russian perspective, the characteristics of McDonald's, including its style such as its particular forms of graphic design and its presentation of food - its emphasis on customer service and training, and its standardized global presence are decidedly Western. Russia is a society in which, as a result of its communist legacy, personal service,

friendliness, and helpfulness are still corrupt bourgeois customs. Of interest, however, Russians have a decidedly ambivalent view of McDonald's, in part because they are pragmatic in their responses to Western influences. Seventy years of Soviet rule has taught them to be judicious in their use of principle because they have learned to live with inconsistency and contradiction. McDonald's offers a surfeit of cultural contradiction because, notwithstanding the overtly Western style of McDonald's, there are also numerous forms of convergence with Russian habits and values. First, there is the compatibility of the Fordist labor process, food process, and purchasing protocols in McDonald's with those that were developed during the Soviet period in Russia and that have continued under postcommunism. These processes and protocols, although often different in content, are consistently Fordist in form and structure. In both a McDonald's and postcommunist setting, there are clear expectations of standardized and predictable products, delivery of products, staff and their uniform dress, and consumer protocols. In both settings, production and social interaction are rule driven and steered through authoritarian decision-making processes. Second, the formal standardized structure and method of operation of a McDonald's restaurant is underpinned by an egalitarian ethos. In particular, the egalitarian ethos in Russia has been manifested in disdain for the external trappings of a service culture (as a sign of inequality) and is currently manifested in popular contempt for the ostentatious consumption of "the new Russians." McDonald's presents its food as sustenance for the "common people." In addition, the way of eating the food, using hands rather than knives and forks, appeals to ordinary people in a country where haute cuisine has been seen as, and continues to be

Bryan S. Turner

defined as, a form of cultural pretension. The service culture of McDonald's is based on a commitment to a formal equality between customer and service assistant. Finally, the actual content of McDonald's food has a definite appeal to Russian taste. For example, McDonald's food, such as the buns, sauces, and even the meat, tends to be sweeter than the average European or Asian cuisine. Desserts are generally based on dairy produce and include exceedingly sweet sauces. Potato chips and fried chicken appeal to the Russian preference for food fried in saturated fat rather than food that is grilled or uncooked. Thus, although McDonald's might be seen as a harbinger of the worst of Western cultural imperialism, the pragmatic Russian will usually be prepared to frequent McDonald's restaurants because of the quality and compatibility of the food with Russian taste and the familiarity of the setting and delivery process. However, the cost of McDonald's food in Russia is prohibitive and for many is a luxury item for which the average family must save. In Australia, by contrast, McDonald's culture is highly compatible with a society that has embraced egalitarianism to such an extent that cultural distinction is explicitly rejected in such popular expressions as "to cut down tall poppies" and by the emphasis on mateship. Historically, the Australian food consumption has contained a high level of meat, especially lamb and beef. Dietary innovations such as replacing lard by canola resulted in a 5 0 % cut in sales in Sydney stores. McDonald's has been particularly successful down under, where it is claimed by the Weekend Australian that a million Australians consume more than $4.8 million burgers, fries, and drinks at the 683 McDonald's stores each day. McDonald's arrived in Australia in 1971, opening 118 stores in its first year. The company had an important impact on services in Australia, where it led the way in modernizing work practices, corporate culture, and philanthropy. Their business strategy involved the development of community and educational links through Rotary clubs and churches. McDonald's successfully survived much local criticism against American cultural imperialism and developed educational programs that have been addressed to kindergartens and schools. McDonald's built playgrounds and distributed toys. Through the development of McHappy Day, it donates generously to hospitals and charities. It also developed Ronald McDonald

House Charities that in 2001 raised $2.4 million for charity. Ray Kroc's four commandments - quality, service, cleanliness, and value - have been adopted as core elements in a two-unit educational diploma that can be taken in certain Australian high schools as components of their educational experience. Although it has been a significant commercial success and now controls 42% of the fast-food market, the high-water mark was achieved in the mid 1990s when 145 stores were opened in the space of 2 years. Sales figures have become static, customer satisfaction is declining, and McDonald's has been the subject of public criticism. McDonald's suffered economically when the Liberal Government of John Howard introduced the GST (General Sales Tax) and McDonald's hamburgers were not exempt. The result was 10% decline in sales, and they failed to achieve their target of 900 stores by the year 2000. McDonald's has responded to this decline in several ways, including the diversification of their products into McCafes and by moving upmarket into Mexican-style restaurants and sandwich bars. In Asia, McDonald's outlets have been successful in penetrating local markets. In the process, however, McDonald's products have been changing. The doctrine that societies that are connected by trade do not go to war is being tested in the case of China and Taiwan. For example, Taiwan has 341 and the People's Republic of China has 326 McDonald's restaurants. The new Chinese elite in its drive to industrialize and modernize society has accepted McDonald's outlets because McDonald's is seen to epitomize healthy food based on nutritious ingredients and scientific cooking. Although the Party is still in control and formally promotes communist ideals of loyalty and dedication, young people have adopted the Ronald McDonald backpack as a sign of modernist consumerism. McDonald's entered Taiwan in 1984, where it now sells 92 million hamburgers and 60 million McNuggets to a population of 22.2 million. McDonald's has become ubiquitous partly by adding corn soup to its regular menu once it was realized that no meal is complete without soup. McDonald's in Taiwan also abandoned its antiloitering policy once it accepted the fact that students saw the air-conditioned McDonald's as an attractive and cool venue for study. Other changes in this densely populated society followed, such as building three-storey outlets that can seat more than 250 people at a time.

McDonald's Mosaic

South Korea is another society that enthusiastically embraced McDonald's. The first outlet was opened in Apkujong-dong in Seoul during the 1988 Olympic Games and expanded rapidly to become the second largest fast-food service retailer after Lotteria. The World Cup provided important marketing opportunities for McDonald's, and the company sought to increase its outlets, adding another 100 restaurants. The company initiated a "Player Escort" scheme to select Korean children to participate by escorting soccer players to the football dome. The current McDonald's president Kim Hyung-soo has adopted the sociological expression "glocalization" to describe the customization of McDonald's menus to satisfy the demands of local customers by developing Korean-style burgers such as Bulgogi Burger and Kimchi Burger. Another promotional strategy has been to make Internet available in its restaurants located in famous hang-out places for Korean youth, such as the ASEM mall and Shinohon. The market in Asia is also diversifying as further Westernized commodities and lifestyles are imported. [...] The growing demand for coffee in Asia, where it is now beginning to challenge the cultural hegemony of tea. [...] in the last 5 years, Starbucks has become as widespread as McDonald's. [...] McDonald's has responded by creating McSnack. [...] It offers chicken and beef curry rice, bagels and English muffin sandwiches, and waffles. It also offers nine different hot and cold coffee drinks. The important feature of the coffee craze is that Korean customers expect to loiter in the outlets, which are used as meeting places and spaces for study. McDonald's staff tolerate customers who sit for hours inside the restaurant or on chairs outside hardly buying anything. During their university examinations period, students are packed into McSnack and so actual customers often find it difficult to secure a seat. Customers also bring food into McSnack from other restaurants to eat at the nice, clean, air-conditioned outlets. These national case studies show us how McDonald's fast-food outlets interact with local cultures. Perhaps the best illustration of these local tensions is in the Middle East, where 300 McDonald's have opened, mainly following the Gulf war. McDonald's has been successful in Saudi Arabia, where McDonald's has spread rapidly, despite periodic fundamentalist boycotts, and where its stores are closed five times a day for

prayers. The company now intends to open McDonald's in Afghanistan. In Turkey, McDonald's started to open branches in the 1980s in Istanbul and Ankara. Although McDonald's has expanded to around 100 outlets, almost half of these are in Istanbul. There is a McDonald's in Kayseri, the center of the Islamist vote in Istanbul. The only remarkable protest against McDonald's was held at the Middle East Technical University when it tried to open a branch there in the 1990s, but this protest came from socialists not Islamic students. Ironically, Muslim couples often use McDonald's as a place to meet because they know that their traditionalist parents would not dine there. McDonald's in Turkey also has been sensitive to Islamic norms and it offers iftar, an evening meal served during Ramadan. In Egypt, McDonald's has also become popular and serves sandwiches, Egyptian boulettes, and other local items. Although Egyptian intellectuals condemn Kentucky Fried Chicken and McDonald's as examples of Western corruption of local taste and cuisine, McDonald's now exists without conflict alongside street vendors and local cafes. McDonald's outlets have paradoxically been popular in many Muslim societies, despite strong anti-American sentiments, because parents recognize them as places where alcohol will not be served. In addition, the mildly exotic Western taste of a burger and fries is an alternative to local fare. Indonesian youth use McDonald's in the same way that Western youth gravitate toward shopping malls. With temperatures consistently in the 30°C range (90°F) and humidity often more than 80%, McDonald's is simply a convenient, clean, and cool place to be. The company has once more adapted to local taste by introducing sweet iced tea, spicy burgers, and rice. The economic crisis in early 1998 forced McDonald's to experiment with a cheaper menu as the price of burgers exploded. McDonald's customers remained with the company to consume McTime, PaNas, and Paket Nasi. For many years, McDonald's has advertised its products as halal, reassuring its Muslim customers that its products are religiously clean. Similar to Egyptian McDonald's, in Indonesia, a postsunset meal is offered as a "special" during Ramadan. To avoid any criticism of Americanization, McDonald's is a local business that is owned by a Muslim, whose advertising banners proclaim in Arabic that McDonald's Indonesia is fully owned by

J a m e s L. W a t s o n

an indigenous Muslim. Proprietors also will proudly boast their Muslim status by the use of post-pilgrimage titles such as Haji.

Conclusions: Cultural Liquidity These local case studies show how the rational model of McDonald's adjusts to local cultural preferences, but the result is a diminution of the original McDonald's product (the burger and fries). In fact, the more the company adjusts to local conditions, the more the appeal of the specifically American product may be lost. At the end of the day, McDonald's simply is a burger joint. Therefore [...] we need to distinguish between specific studies of McDonald's and macrostudies of McDonaldization as rationalization. [...] The global reach of McDonald's is hardly at issue, and I have attempted to illustrate some of the complexity

of that reach through several vignettes of McDonald's in Russia, Australia, the Middle East, and Asia. The spread of McDonald's clearly illustrates the fact that McDonaldization has been a powerful force behind the administrative rationalism of modern societies. With globalization, rationalization has become a global dimension of the basic social processes of any modern society. In this sense, the McDonaldization thesis is also a potent defense of the continuing relevance of Weber's general sociology of modernity. More fundamentally, the diversification of McDonald's through its interaction with local cultures has produced new management strategies, consumer cultures, and product range that depart radically from the Fordist linearity of the original model. McDonald's is slowly disappearing under the weight of its fragmentation, differentiation, and adaptation. [...] The unstoppable march of McDonald's through urban society has come to an end.

Transnationalism, Local :ation, and Fast Foods in East Asia James L. Watson Does the spread of fast food undermine the integrity of indigenous cuisines? Are food chains helping to create a homogeneous, global culture better suited to the needs of a capitalist world order? [.. .] We do not celebrate McDonald's as a paragon of capitalist virtue, nor do we condemn the corporation as an evil empire. Our goal is to produce ethnographic accounts of McDonald's social, political, and economic impact on five local cultures. These are not small-scale cultures under imminent threat of extinction; we are dealing with economically resilient, technologically advanced societies noted for their haute cuisines. If McDonald's can make inroads in these societies, one might be tempted to conclude, it may indeed be an irresistible force for world culinary change. But isn't another scenario possible? Have people in East Asia conspired to change McDonald's, modifying

this seemingly monolithic institution to fit local conditions? [...] The interaction process works both ways. McDonald's has effected small but influential changes in East Asian dietary patterns. Until the introduction of McDonald's, for example, Japanese consumers rarely, if ever, ate with their hands [...] this is now an acceptable mode of dining. In Hong Kong, McDonald's has replaced traditional teahouses and street stalls as the most popular breakfast venue. And among Taiwanese youth, French fries have become a dietary staple, owing almost entirely to the influence of McDonald's. At the same time, however, East Asian consumers have quietly, and in some cases stubbornly, transformed their neighborhood McDonald's into a local institution. In the United States, fast food may indeed imply fast consumption, but this is certainly not the case

Fast F o o d s in East Asia

everywhere. In Beijing, Seoul, and Taipei, for instance, McDonald's restaurants are treated as leisure centers, where people can retreat from the stresses of urban life. In Hong Kong, middle school students often sit in McDonald's for hours - studying, gossiping, and picking over snacks; for them, the restaurants are the equivalent of youth clubs. [...] Suffice it to note here that McDonald's does not always call the shots.

Globalism and Local Cultures [...] The operative term is "local culture," shorthand for the experience of everyday life as lived by ordinary people in specific localities. In using it, we attempt to capture the feelings of appropriateness, comfort, and correctness that govern the construction of personal preferences, or "tastes." Dietary patterns, attitudes toward food, and notions of what constitutes a proper meal [.. .] are central to the experience of everyday life and hence are integral to the maintenance of local cultures. Readers will note [...] class, gender, and status differences, especially in relation to consumption practices. One surprise was the discovery that many McDonald's restaurants in East Asia have become sanctuaries for women who wish to avoid male-dominated settings. In Beijing and Seoul, new categories of yuppies treat McDonald's as an arena for conspicuous consumption. Anthropologists who work in such settings must pay close attention to rapid changes in consumer preferences. Twenty years ago, McDonald's catered to the children of Hong Kong's wealthy elite; the current generation of Hong Kong hyperconsumers has long since abandoned the golden arches and moved upmarket to more expensive watering holes (e.g., Planet Hollywood). Meanwhile, McDonald's has become a mainstay for working-class people, who are attracted by its low cost, convenience, and predictability. One of our conclusions [...] is that societies in East Asia are changing as fast as cuisines - there is nothing immutable or primordial about cultural systems. In Hong Kong, for instance, it would be impossible to isolate what is specifically "local" about the cuisine, given the propensity of Hong Kong people to adopt new foods. [...] Hong Kong's cuisine, and with it Hong Kong's local culture, is a moving target.

Hong Kong is the quintessential postmodern environment, where the boundaries of status, style, and taste dissolve almost as fast as they are formed. What is "in" today is "out" tomorrow.

Transnationalism and the Multilocal Corporation It has become an academic cliché to argue that people are constantly reinventing themselves. Nevertheless, the speed of that reinvention process in places like Hong Kong, Taipei, and Seoul is so rapid that it defies description. In the realm of popular culture, it is no longer possible to distinguish between what is "local" and what is "foreign." Who is to say that Mickey Mouse is not Japanese, or that Ronald McDonald is not Chinese? To millions of children who watch Chinese television, "Uncle McDonald" (alias Ronald) is probably more familiar than the mythical characters of Chinese folklore. We have entered here the realm of the transnational, a new field of study that focuses on the "deterritorialization" of popular culture. [...] The world economy can no longer be understood by assuming that the original producers of a commodity necessarily control its consumption. A good example is the spread of "Asian" martial arts to North and South America, fostered by Hollywood and the Hong Kong film industry. Transnationalism describes a condition by which people, commodities, and ideas literally cross transgress - national boundaries and are not identified with a single place of origin. One of the leading theorists of this new field argues that transnational phenomena are best perceived as the building blocks of "third cultures," which are "oriented beyond national boundaries." Transnational corporations are popularly regarded as the clearest expressions of this new adaptation, given that business operations, manufacturing, and marketing are often spread around the globe to dozens of societies. At first glance, McDonald's would appear to be the quintessential transnational. On closer inspection, however, the company does not conform to expectations; it resembles a federation of semiautonomous enterprises. James Cantalupo, former President of McDonald's International, claims that the goal of McDonald's is to "become as much a part of the local culture as possible."

J a m e s L. W a t s o n

He objects when "[pjeople call us a multinational. I like to call us multifocal," meaning that McDonald's goes to great lengths to find local suppliers and local partners whenever new branches are opened. [...] McDonald's International retains at least a 50 percent stake in its East Asian enterprises; the other half is owned by local operators.

Modified Menus and Local Sensitivities: McDonald's Adapts The key to McDonald's worldwide success is that people everywhere know what to expect when they pass through the Golden Arches. This does not mean, however, that the corporation has resisted change or refused to adapt when local customs require flexibility. [...] McDonald's restaurants in India serve Vegetable McNuggets and a mutton-based Maharaja Mac, innovations that are necessary in a country where Hindus do not eat beef, Muslims do not eat pork, and Jains (among others) do not eat meat of any type. In Malaysia and Singapore, McDonald's underwent rigorous inspections by Muslim clerics to ensure ritual cleanliness; the chain was rewarded with a halal ("clean," "acceptable") certificate, indicating the total absence of pork products. Variations on McDonald's original, American-style menu exist in many parts of the world: chilled yogurt drinks (ayran) in Turkey, espresso and cold pasta in Italy, teriyaki burgers in Japan (also in Taiwan and Hong Kong), vegetarian burgers in the Netherlands, McSpaghetti in the Philippines, McLaks (grilled salmon sandwich) in Norway, frankfurters and beer in Germany, McHuevo (poached egg hamburger) in Uruguay. [...] Irrespective of local variations (espresso, McLaks) and recent additions (carrot sticks), the structure of the McDonald's menu remains essentially uniform the world over: main course burger/sandwich, fries, and a drink - overwhelmingly Coca-Cola. The keystone of this winning combination is not, as most observers might assume, the Big Mac or even the generic hamburger. It is the fries. The main course may vary widely (fish sandwiches in Hong Kong, vegetable burgers in Amsterdam), but the signature innovation of McDonald's - thin, elongated fries cut from russet potatoes - is everpresent and consumed with great gusto by Muslims, Jews, Christians, Buddhists,

Hindus, vegetarians (now that vegetable oil is used), communists, Tories, marathoners, and armchair athletes. [...]

Conclusion: McDonaldization versus Localization McDonald's has become such a powerful symbol of the standardization and routinization of modern life that it has inspired a new vocabulary: McThink, McMyth, Mcjobs, McSpiritually, and, of course, McDonaldization. George Ritzer, author of a popular book titled The McDonaldization of Society [...] treats McDonald's as the "paradigm case" of social regimentation and argues that "McDonaldization has shown every sign of being an inexorable process as it sweeps through seemingly impervious institutions and parts of the world." Is McDonald's in fact the revolutionary, disruptive institution that theorists of cultural imperialism deem it to be? Evidence [.. .] could be marshaled in support of such a view but only at the risk of ignoring historical process. There is indeed an initial, "intrusive" encounter when McDonald's enters a new market especially in an environment where American-style fast food is largely unknown to the ordinary consumer. In five cases [...] McDonald's was treated as an exotic import - a taste of Americana - during its first few years of operation. Indeed, the company drew on this association to establish itself in foreign markets. But this initial euphoria cannot sustain a mature business. Unlike Coca-Cola and Spam, for instance, McDonald's standard fare (the burger-and-fries combo) could not be absorbed into the preexisting cuisines of East Asia. [...] Spam quickly became an integral feature of Korean cooking in the aftermath of the Korean War; it was a recognizable form of meat that required no special preparation. Coca-Cola, too, was a relatively neutral import when first introduced to Chinese consumers. During the 1960s, villagers in rural Hong Kong treated Coke as a special beverage, reserved primarily for medicinal use. It was served most frequently as bo ho la, Cantonese for "boiled Cola," a tangy blend of fresh ginger and herbs served in piping hot Coke - an excellent remedy for colds. Only later was the beverage consumed by itself, first at banquets (mixed with brandy) and later for special events such as a visit by

McDonaldization a n d Disneyization

relatives. There was nothing particularly revolutionary about Coca-Cola or Spam; both products were quickly adapted to suit local needs and did not require any radical adjustments on the part of consumers. McDonald's is something altogether different. Eating at the Golden Arches is a total experience, one that takes people out of their ordinary routines. One "goes to" a McDonald's; it does not come to the consumer, nor is it taken home. [...] From this vantage point it would appear that McDonald's may indeed have been an intrusive force, undermining the integrity of East Asian cuisines. On closer inspection, however, it is clear that consumers are not the automatons many analysts would have us believe they are. The initial encounter soon begins to fade as McDonald's loses its exotic appeal and gradually gains acceptance (or rejection) as ordinary food for busy consumers. The hamburger-fries combo becomes simply another alternative among many types of ready-made food. The process of localization is a two-way street: it implies changes in the local culture as well as modifications in the company's standard operating procedures. Key elements of McDonald's industrialized system - queuing, self-provisioning, self-seating have been accepted by consumers throughout East Asia. Other aspects of the industrial model have been rejected, notably those relating to time and space. In many parts of East Asia, consumers have turned their local McDonald's into leisure centers and after school clubs. The meaning of "fast" has been subverted in these settings: it refers to the delivery of food, not to its consumption. Resident managers have had little choice but to embrace these consumer trends and make virtues of them: "Students create a good atmosphere

which is good for our business," one Hong Kong manager told me as he surveyed a sea of young people chatting, studying, and snacking in his restaurant. The process of localization correlates closely with the maturation of a generation of local people who grew up eating at the Golden Arches. By the time the children of these original consumers enter the scene, McDonald's is no longer perceived as a foreign enterprise. Parents see it as a haven of cleanliness and predictability. For children, McDonald's represents fun, familiarity, and a place where they can choose their own food - something that may not be permitted at home. [ . . . ] Localization is not a unilinear process that ends the same everywhere. McDonald's has become a routine, unremarkable feature of the urban landscape in Japan and Hong Kong. It is so local that many younger consumers do not know of the company's foreign origins. The process of localization has hardly begun in China, where McDonald's outlets are still treated as exotic outposts, selling a cultural experience rather than food. At this writing, it is unclear what will happen to expansion efforts in Korea; the political environment there is such that many citizens will continue to treat the Golden Arches as a symbol of American imperialism. In Taiwan, the confused, and exhilarating, pace of identity politics may well rebound on American corporations in ways as yet unseen. Irrespective of these imponderables, McDonald's is no longer dependent on the United States market for its future development. [...] As McDonald's enters the 21st century, its multilocal strategy, like its famous double-arches logo, is being pirated by a vast array of corporations eager to emulate its success. In the end, however, McDonald's is likely to prove difficult to clone.

Global Implications of McDonaldization and Disneyization Alan Bryman One way in which Disneyization and McDonaldization legitimately be viewed as signals of globalization. Ritzer can be viewed as parallel processes is that both can makes this point in relation to McDonaldization in his

Alan Bryman

more recent work, and it is apparent that the dimensions of Disneyization [...] are similarly spreading throughout the globe. But what is striking about the two concepts is that they do not refer specifically to the global diffusion of products. Much of the writing on globalization is full of hyperbole about the global spread and recognizability of prominent brands: Nike, Coca-Cola, Pepsi-Cola, Pizza Hut, KFC, Benetton, Body Shop, and so on. And, of course, one could hardly disregard the golden arches of McDonald's or Mickey's ears and Walt's signature as involved in the global travels of brand names. But that is not what McDonaldization and Disneyization are about: they are concerned essentially with the diffusion of modes of delivery of goods and services. McDonaldization relates primarily to a mode of delivery in the sense of the production of goods and services. It is a means of providing an efficient and highly predictable product in a manner that would have appealed to people such as Ford and Taylor. It belongs to an era of mass consumption that is not disappearing but whose emphases are becoming less central to modern society with the passage of time. Disneyization is a mode of delivery in the sense of the staging of goods and services for consumption. It provides a context for increasing the allure of goods and services. Indeed, it may be that one of the reasons for the growing use of theming in the form of external narratives in some McDonald's restaurants has to do with the limitations of McDonaldization itself. McDonaldization's emphasis on standardization sits uneasily in an increasingly post-Fordist era of choice and variety. Theming becomes a means of reducing the sense of sameness and thereby enhancing the appeal of its products.

get away from the shrill but not always revealing accounts of the global reach of prominent brands. It can hardly be doubted that there is a clutch of high-profile brands that have spread through much of the globe, but systems such as Disneyization and McDonaldization are in a sense more significant than that. For one thing, their presence is perhaps less immediately obvious than the arrival of McDonald's restaurants or the impending arrival of a new Disney theme park in Hong Kong. Focusing on the products obscures the more fundamental issue of the diffusion of underlying principles through which goods and services are produced and then put into people's mouths and homes. Although McDonald's restaurants have been the focus of anti-globalization campaigners and Disney was given a decidedly gallic cold shoulder among intellectuals in France when Disneyland Paris was in the planning stage, occasioning the famous "cultural Chernobyl" comment, the spread of the fundamental principles that can be divined from an examination of what McDonald's and the Disney theme parks exemplify is much less frequently, and perhaps less likely to be, a focus of comment.

What is important about such a suggestion is that it is crucial to appreciate that McDonaldization and Disneyization are both systems, that is, they are ways of producing or presenting goods and services. One of the problems with tying the names of these systems to well-known icons of popular culture - McDonald's and Disney - is that it is easy to make the mistake of lapsing into a discussion of just McDonald's and Disney. This is an error because the two companies are merely emblems of the underlying processes associated with their respective systems.

When considered in this way, it is striking how poorly Disneyization and McDonaldization fit into Appadurai's influential delineation of different forms of "-scape," that is, contexts for the flow of goods, people, finance, and other items around the globe. Appadurai distinguished between five scapes; ethnoscapes (the movement of people), technoscapes (the movement of technology), financescapes (the movement of capital), mediascapes (the movement of information), and ideoscapes (the movement of ideas and ideals). Waters has argued that "McDonaldization infiltrates several of these flows." However, such a view does not do justice to the significance of McDonaldization and by implication Disneyization. In a sense, we need a new conceptual term for them, which we might call "system-scapes," to refer to the flow of contexts for the production and display of goods and services. Although they incorporate elements of the five scapes, as Waters suggests, McDonaldization and Disneyization are somewhat more than this. They represent important templates for the production of goods and services and their exhibition for sale.

By emphasizing processes associated with Disneyization and McDonaldization as systems, it is possible to

Of course, we must give due consideration to the charge that we are subscribing here to a simplistic

McDonaldization and Disneyization

globalization or Americanization thesis that depicts icons of American culture spreading by design across the globe and riding roughshod over local conditions and practices. Research on McDonald's which can be treated as the locus classicus of McDonaldization, suggests that it is dangerous to think of a simple process of subsuming foreign cultures. Not only has McDonald's accommodated to local tastes and dietary requirements and preferences but it is also used in different ways in different cultures. It is sometimes regarded as a sophisticated eating environment for special occasions or dating couples, as a meeting place, as an area for study, and so on. Similar remarks can be made in relation to the Disney theme parks when they have been transported abroad. Raz observes in relation to Tokyo Disneyland that although it is invariably claimed to be a copy of the American original, it has in fact been Japanized. Thus, the Mystery Tour in the castle in Tokyo Disneyland is a Disney version of the Japanese ghost house. The Meet the World show is [...] as "a show about and for the Japanese." Similar adaptation can be seen in Disneyland Paris, where after a disappointing beginning, the company was forced to adapt the park to European tastes. The alcohol ban, in particular, had to be dropped. Such local adaptations and accommodations are frequently and quite rightly latched on to by the critics of a simple globalization thesis. They are also reassuring that the world is not becoming a single homogenized realm because there are signs of resistance even in the face of the momentum of two revered representatives of popular culture. However, although reassuring, these indications of the continued relevance of the local for McDonald's and the Disney theme parks should not blind us to the fact that although McDonald's may be used differently in Taipei and that Tokyo Disneyland has adapted many attractions to the Japanese sensibility, this is not what McDonaldization and Disneyization are about. As previously argued, they are about principles to do with the production and delivery of goods and services. What the researchers who tell us about the different ways that McDonald's has adapted to or been differentially appropriated by diverse cultures is how McDonald's has been adapted to and appropriated, not McDonaldization as such. In a sense, Disneyization and McDonaldization are more worrying for the critics of

globalization as a homogenizing force than the arrival of golden arches in far reaches of the globe or the transplanting of Disney theme parks abroad. They are more worrying because Disneyization and McDonaldization are potentially more insidious processes because they are far less visible and immediately obvious in their emergence than the appearance of golden arches or of magic kingdoms on nations' doorsteps. As Ritzer points out in relation to McDonald's, "The fundamental operating procedures remain essentially the same everywhere in the globe," a view that is largely endorsed by company representatives. Robert Kwan, at the time managing director of McDonald's in Singapore, is quoted by Watson as saying, "McDonald's sells [...] a system, not products." In other words, finding adaptations to and local uses of McDonald's and Disney theme parks should not make us think that this means or even necessarily entails adaptations to and local uses of McDonaldization and Disneyization. Turning more specifically to Disneyization, particularly in relation to McDonald's, none of what has been said previously should be taken to imply that there are likely to be no processes of local adaptation or resistance or culturally specific uses in relation to Disneyization. Emotional labor has been a particularly prominent site for resistance, as studies of the local reception of McDonald's demonstrate. Watson has observed that during the early period of the restaurant's arrival in Moscow, people standing in queues had to be given information about such things as how to order. In addition, they had to be told, "The employees inside will smile at you. This does not mean that they are laughing at you. We smile because we are happy to serve you." Watson also remarks on the basis of his fieldwork in Hong Kong that people who are overly congenial are regarded with suspicion, so that a smile is not necessarily regarded as a positive feature. Also, consumers did not display any interest in the displays of friendliness from crew personnel. It is not surprising, therefore, that the display of emotional labor is not a significant feature of the behavior and demeanor of counter staff in McDonald's in Hong Kong. Watson says, "Instead, they project qualities that are admired in the local culture: competence, directness, and unflappability. [...] Workers who smile on the job are assumed to be enjoying themselves at the consumer's (and the management's) expense."

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A somewhat different slant is provided by Fantasia's account of the reception of McDonald's in France. There, the attraction of McDonald's for young people was what he calls the "American ambience." Insofar as the display of emotional labor is an ingredient of this ambience, it may be that it is not that the French enthusiasts respond positively to emotional labor per se but that in the context of McDonald's they respond positively to the total package, of which smiling counter staff is a component. In other words, as the writers who emphasize local adaptations to global processes point out, local consumers frequently make their own culturally bespoken uses of the forces of globalization. Clearly, there are risks with the foregoing argument. At a time when writers on globalization prefer to emphasize "glocalization" or "creolization" as ways of coming to terms with the varied ways in which global forces have to run the gauntlet of local cultural conditions and preferences, it is unfashionable to suggest that impulses emanating from the United States are tramping over the globe. Indeed, as the previously cited evidence concerned with emotional labor implies, we do need to take into account the ways such global influences are working their way into and are being

incorporated into local cultures. But Disneyization is a more invisible process than the arrival of brand names on foreign shores. It is designed to maximize consumers' willingness to purchase goods and services that in many cases they might not otherwise have been prompted to buy. Theming provides the consumer with a narrative that acts as a draw by providing an experience that lessens the sense of an economic transaction and increases the likelihood of purchasing merchandise. Dedifferentiation of consumption is meant to give the consumer as many opportunities as possible to make purchases and therefore to keep them as long as possible in the theme park, mall, or whatever. Emotional labor is the oil of the whole process in many ways: in differentiating otherwise identical goods and services, as an enactment of theming, and as a milieu for increasing the inclination to purchase merchandise. It maybe that, as in Russia and Hong Kong, emotional labor is ignored or not effective. However, these are fairly small responses to the diffusion of these instruments of consumerism. And insofar as we can regard McDonald's as a Disneyized institution, the process of Disneyization has a high-profile partner that is likely to enhance the global spread of its underlying principles.

Glocommodification: How the Global Consumes the Local - McDonald's in Israel Uri Ram One of the more controversial aspects of globalization is its cultural implications: does globalization lead to universal cultural uniformity, or does it leave room for particularism and cultural diversity? The global-local encounter has spawned a complex polemic between 'homogenizers' and 'heterogenizers.' This article proposes to shift the ground of the debate from the homogeneous-heterogeneous dichotomy to a structuralsymbolic construct. It is argued here that while both homogenization and heterogenizations are dimensions of globalization, they take place at different societal levels: homogenization occurs at the structural-

institutional level; heterogenization, at the expressivesymbolic. The proposed structural-symbolic model facilitates a realistic assessment of global-local relations. In this view, while global technological, organizational and commercial flows need not destroy local habits and customs, but, indeed, may preserve or even revive them, the global does tend to subsume and appropriate the local, or to consume it, so to say, sometimes to the extent that the seemingly local, symbolically, becomes a specimen of the global, structurally. The starting point for this analysis is the McDonaldization of Israeli culture. McDonald's opened its first


outíet in Israel in 1993. Since then, it has been involved in a variety of symbolic encounters [...] [in] die encounter between McDonald's, as the epitome of global fast food, and the local version of fast food, namely the falafel [... ] local idioms have thrived, though only symbolically. On the structural level, they have been subsumed and appropriated by global social relationships.

Global Commerce Encounters the Local Eating Habitus: McDonald's and the Falafel The industrialized hamburger first arrived on Israel's shores back in the late 1960s, although the chains involved at the time did not make much of an impression. In 1972, Burger Ranch (BR) opened a local hamburger joint that expanded into a chain only in the 1980s. It took the advent of McDonald's, however, for the 'great gluttony' of the fast hamburger to begin. McDonald's opened its first branch in October 1993. It was followed by Burger King (BK), the world's second largest hamburger chain, which opened its first branch in Israel in early 1994. Between McDonald's arrival and the year 2000, sales in the hamburger industry soared by 600 percent. By 2000, annual revenues from fast-food chains in Israel reached NIS 1 billion (about US$200 million according to the 2002 exchange rate). McDonald's is the leading chain in the industry, with 50 percent of the sales, followed by BR with 32 percent, and BK with 18 percent. In 2002 the three chains had a total of 250 branches in place: McDonald's, 100; BR, 94 and BK, 56. McDonald's, like Coca-Cola - both flagship American brands - conquered front-line positions in the war over the Israeli consumer. The same is true of many other American styles and brands, such as jeans, T-shirts, Nike and Reebok footwear, as well as megastores, such as Home Center Office Depot, SuperPharm, etc. [. . .] As for eating habits, apart from the spread of fast-food chains, other Americanisms have found a growing niche in the Israeli market: frozen ' T V dinners,' whether in family or individual packs, and an upsurge in fast-food deliveries. These developments stem from the transformation of the familial lifestyle as an increasing number of women are no longer (or not only) housewives, the growth of singles

households, and the rise in family incomes. All this, along with accelerated economic activity, has raised the demand for fast or easy-to-prepare foods. As has happened elsewhere, technological advancements and business interests have set the stage for changes in Israeli eating habits. Another typical development has been the mirror process that accompanies the expansion of standardized fast foods, namely, the proliferation of particularist cuisines and ethnic foods as evinced by the sprouting of restaurants that cater to the culinary curiosity and open purses of a new Yuppie class in Tel Aviv, Herzliya and elsewhere. As in other countries, the 'arrival' of McDonald's in Israel raised questions and even concern about the survival of the local national culture. A common complaint against McDonald's is that it impinges on local cultures, as manifested primarily in the local eating habitus both actual and symbolic. If Israel ever had a distinct national equivalent to fast food, it was unquestionably the falafel - fried chick-pea balls served in a 'pocket' of pita bread with vegetable salad and tahini (sesame) sauce. The falafel, a Mediterranean delicacy of Egyptian origin, was adopted in Israel as its 'national food.' Although in the 1930s and 1940s the falafel was primarily eaten by the young and impecunious, in the 1950s and 1960s a family visit to the falafel stand for a fast, hot bite became common practice, much like the visit paid nowadays to McDonald's. The falafel even became an Israeli tourist symbol, served as a national dish at formal receptions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Indeed, one kiosk in Tel Aviv advertises itself as a " 'mighty' falafel for a mighty people." Despite the falafel's fall from glory in the 1970s and 1980s vis-a-vis other fast foods, such as shawarma (lamb or turkey pieces on a spit), pizza and the early hamburger stands, and notwithstanding the unwholesome reputation it developed, an estimated 1200 falafel eateries currently operate in Israel. Altogether, they dish up about 200,000 portions a day to the 62 percent of Israelis who are self-confessed falafel eaters. The annual industry turnover is some NIS 600 million - not that far short of the hamburger industry. Thus, surprisingly enough, in the late 1990s, McDonald's presence, or rather the general McDonaldization of Israeli food habits, led to the falafel's renaissance, rather than to its demise. The falafel's comeback, vintage 2000, is available in two forms: gourmet and fast-food. The clean, refined,

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gourmet Tel-Avivian specimen targets mainly yuppies and was launched in 1999 - five years after McDonald's landed in the country - in a prestigious restaurant owned by two women, famed as Orna and Ella. Located in the financial district, which is swiftly being gentrified, it is known as 'The Falafel Queens' - a hip, ironic feminist version of the well-known 'Falafel King' - one of the most popular designations for Israeli falafel joints, which always take the masculine form. The new, 'improved' gourmet model comes in a variety of flavors. Apart from the traditional 'brown' variety, the Queens offer an original 'red' falafel, based on roasted peppers, as well as 'green' falafel, based on olive paste. Beverages are a mixed bag, including orange-Campari and grapefruit-arrack ice. Owner Ella Shein rightly notes that the falafel's revival reflects a composite global-local trend: We have opened up to the world culinarily speaking, we have been exposed to new raw materials, new techniques, a process that occurs simultaneously with a kind of return to one's origins, to one's roots. Apart from its 'gourmetization,' the falafel has simultaneously undergone 'McDonaldized' standardization. The Israeli franchise of Domino's Pizza inaugurated a new falafel chain, setting itself a nationwide target of 60 branches. Furthermore, its reported intention is to 'take the tidings of Israeli fast-food abroad.' The falafel has thus been rescued from parochialism and upgraded to a world standard-bearer of'Israeli fast food,' or, as one observer put it, it has been transformed from 'grub' into 'brand.' In fact, the Ma'oz chain already operates 12 falafel eateries in Amsterdam, Paris and Barcelona and, lately, also in Israel. The new chains have developed a 'concept' of'clean, fresh, and healthy,' with global implications, because: 'if you are handed an inferior product at "Ma'oz" in Amsterdam, you won't set foot in the Paris branch' either. In contrast to the traditional falafel stand, which stands in the street and absorbs street fumes and filth, the new falafel is served indoors, at spruce, air-conditioned outlets, where portions are wrapped in designer bags and sauces flow out of stylized fountains. At Falafels, the balls are not moulded manually, but dispensed by a mechanical implement at the rate of 80 balls/minute. There are two kinds - the Syrian Zafur and the Turkish

Baladi. And as befits an industrial commodity, the new falafel is 'engineered' by food technicians and subjected to tastings by focus groups. Like any self-respecting post-Fordist commodity, the falafel of the new chains is not only a matter of matter but, as stated above, of concept or, more precisely, of fantasy, rendering the past as nostalgia or retro. Branches are designed in a nostalgic style - in order to evoke yearning within the primary target sector - and they carry, in the name of 'retro,' old-fashioned soda pops. This is the local Israeli habitus dusted off, 'branded' and 'designed' so as to be marketed as a mass standardized commodity. Another trendy aspect of the new falafel is its linkage to the new discourses on the environment or nutrition. The proprietor of Ma'oz notes that 'salads, tehini, and falafel are healthy foods, and we have taken the health issue further by offering also whole-wheat pita bread. The health issue is becoming so central that we are now considering establishing a falafel branch that would serve only organic vegetables.' To sum up, the distinction between the old falafel and the new, post-McDonald's falafel, is identified in a local newspaper report as follows: If in the past every Falafel King took pride in the unique taste [of his own product, the secret of] which was sometimes passed down from father to son, and which acquired a reputation that attracted customers from far and wide, in the [new] chains, the taste would always be the same. Uniqueness and authenticity would be lost for the sake of quality and free market rules. One major change in Israel's culinary habitus as a result of its McDonaldization, therefore, is the demise of the old 'authentic' falafel and the appearance of the new commodified 'falafel 2000.' But McDonald's had to surmount another - no less challenging - culinary hurdle: the Israeli carnivorous palate. [...] Given this hankering for meat, especially of the grilled variety, the McDonald's hamburger appeared rather puny, and the Israeli consumer tended to favour the Burger King broiled product. In 1998, McDonald's bowed to the Israeli appetite, changing both the preparation and size of its hamburger. It shifted to a combined technique of fire and charcoal, and increased portion size by 25 percent. The Israeli customer


now has the distinction of being served the largest hamburger (120 grams) marketed by McDonald's worldwide. But the most striking fast-food modification to the Israeli habitus is the 'Combina' (the Hebrew equivalent of 'combo'), launched in 2001 by Burger Ranch - a packaged meal for four eaters that taps into the local custom of'sharing' and, to quote the marketing blurb, allows for 'a group experience while retaining individual dining expression.' It may thus be concluded that the interrelations of McDonald's and the falafel are not simply a contrast between local decline and global rise. Rather, they are a complex mix, though certainly under the banner of the global. Indeed, the global (McDonald's) contributed somewhat to the revival of the local (the falafel). In the process, however, the global also transformed the nature and meaning of the local. The local, in turn, caused a slight modification in the taste and size of the global, while leaving its basic institutional patterns and organizational practices intact. The 'new falafel' is a component of both a mass-standardized consumer market, on the one hand, and a post-modern consumer market niche, on the other. This sort of relationship between McDonald's and the falafel, in which the global does not eliminate the local symbolically but rather restructures or appropriates it structurally, is typical of the global-local interrelations epitomized by McDonald's.

Discussion I: 'One-Way' or 'Two-Way'? Based on this case analysis, how, then, are we to conceive the relations between global commerce and local idioms? The literature on relations between the global and the local presents a myriad of cases. Heuristically, the lessons from these may be condensed into two competing - contrasting, almost - approaches: the one gives more weight to globalization, which it regards as fostering cultural uniformity (or homogeneity); the other gives more weight to localization, which it regards as preserving cultural plurality, or cultural 'differences' (or heterogeneity). [. . .] the former is known also as cultural imperialism and McDonaldization [...] The latter is known also as hybridization. [...] For the sake

of simplicity we shall call the former the 'one-way' approach, i.e., seeing the effect as emanating from the global to the local; and the latter, as the 'two-way' approach, i.e., seeing the effect as an interchange between the global and the local. The most prominent exponent of the one-way approach is George Ritzer, in his book The McDonaldization of Society. Ritzer, more than anyone else, is responsible for the term that describes the social process of McDonaldization. [...] Contrary to this one-way approach [. . .] the literature offers another view, which we call here the twoway approach. This view considers globalization only a single vector in two-way traffic, the other vector being localization. The latter suspends, refines, or diffuses the intakes from the former, so that traditional and local cultures do not dissolve; they rather ingest global flows and reshape them in the digestion. Arjun Appadurai, for one, asserts that it is impossible to think of the processes of cultural globalization in terms of mechanical flow from center to periphery. Their complexity and disjunctures allow for a chaotic contest between the global and the local that is never resolved. [...] One typical significant omission of the two-way perspective is its disregard for imbalances of power. [...] Positing 'localization' as a counterbalance to globalization, rather than as an offshoot, some of the cultural studies literature is indeed rich in texture and subtlety when depicting the encounters of global commerce with local popular cultures and everyday life. This literature is at its best when acknowledging that its task is to 'twist the stick in the other direction,' from the top-down political-economic perspective to a bottomup cultural perspective. It falters, however, when it attempts to replace, wholesale, the top-down approach with a bottom-up one, without weighting the relative power of the top and the bottom. The latter move is evident in an ethnographic study of McDonaldization conducted in Southeast Asia by a team of anthropologists. They argue overall that even though McDonald's transformed local customs, customers were nonetheless able to transform McDonald's in their areas into local establishments; this led them to conclude that McDonald's does not always call the shots. They claim that, in the realm of popular culture, it is no longer possible to distinguish

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between the 'local' and the 'external' Who, they protest, is to say whether or not Mickey Mouse is Japanese, or Ronald McDonald, Chinese; perhaps, this attests to a 'third culture' that belongs neither to one nationality nor the other, but constitutes rather a transnational culture. This ethnographic discussion stresses the variety of supplemental dishes McDonald's has included on its menu in order to accommodate various local cultures. Applying this approach to our case study, the new falafel, for instance, can be considered a manifestation of [...] hybridization of McDonald's. The new falafel assimilated some of McDonald's practices, but accommodated them to local traditions and tastes. The two-way approach to the global-local encounter is usually portrayed as critical and espoused by radical social scientists, because it 'empowers' the sustainability of local cultures and fosters local identities. [...]

Discussion II: 'Both Ways' [...] To the question of homogenization vs heterogenization in global-local relationships, we suggest here the following resolution: ( 1 ) both perspectives are valid; (2) yet they apply to discrete societal levels; and (3) the one-way approach is restricted to one level of social reality, the structural-institutional level, i.e., patterns and practices which are inscribed into institutions and organizations; the two-way approach is restricted to the symbolic-expressive level of social reality, i.e., the level of explicit symbolization. Finally, (4) we suggest a global-local structural-symbolic model, in which the one-way structural homogenization process and the two-way symbolic heterogenization process are combined. Thus, heuristically speaking, our theoretical resolution is predicated on the distinction between two different levels, the structuralinstitutional level and the expressive-symbolic level. While each of the rival perspectives on the globallocal encounter is attuned to only one of these levels, we propose that globalization be seen as a process that is simultaneously one-sided and two-sided but in two distinct societal levels. In other words, on the structural level, globalization is a one-way street; but on the symbolic level, it is a two-way street. In Israel's case, for instance, this would mean that, symbolically,

the falafel and McDonald's coexist side by side; structurally, however, the falafel is produced and consumed as if it were an industrialized-standardized (McDonaldized) hamburger, or as its artisan-made 'gourmet' counterpart. [...] The two-way approach to globalization, which highlights the persistence of cultural 'difference,' contains more than a grain of empirical truth. On the symbolic level, it accounts for the diversity that does not succumb to homogeneity - in our case, the falafel once again steams from the pita; the Israeli hamburger is larger than other national McDonald's specimens (and kosher for Passover [ . . . ] ) . On the symbolic level, the 'difference' that renders the local distinctive has managed to linger on. At the same time, on the structural level, that great leveller of'sameness' at all locales prevails: the falafel has become McDonaldized. [...] A strong structuralist argument sees symbolic 'differences' not merely as tolerated but indeed as functional to structural 'sameness,' in that they are purported to conceal the structure's underlying uniformity and to promote niches of consumer identity. In other words, the variety of local cultural identities 'licensed' under global capitalist commercial expansion disguises the unified formula of capital, thereby fostering legitimacy and even sales. [...] A variety of observers - all with the intention of'giving voice' to the 'other' and the 'subaltern' - may unwittingly be achieving an opposite effect. [...] Exclusive attention to explicit symbolism may divert attention from implicit structures. Transnational corporations are quick to take advantage of multiculturalism, postcolonialism and ethnography, and exploit genuine cultural concerns to their benefit. It is worth quoting at some length a former Coca-Cola marketing executive:

We don't change the concept. What we do is maybe change the music, maybe change the execution, certainly change the casting, but in terms of what it sounds like and what it looks like and what it is selling, at a particular point in time, we have kept it more or less patterned. [...] [our activity] has been all keyed on a local basis, overlaid with an umbrella of the global strategy. We have been dealing with various ethnic demographic groups with an overall concept. Very recently [...] the company has moved to a more


fragmented approach, based on the assumption that the media today is fragmented and that each of these groups that are targeted by that media core should be communicated to in their own way with their own message, with their own sound, with their own visualization. [...] The case study presented here has shown a number of instances of the process whereby global commodities appropriate local traditions. To recap with the example of the 'new falafel,' McDonaldization did not bring about its demise, but, indeed, contributed to its revival, vindicating, as it were, the two-way perspective. The falafel's new lease on life, however, is modelled after McDonald's, that is, a standardized, mechanical, mass-commodified product, on the one hand; or responds to it in a commercial 'gourmetized' and 'ethnicitized' product, on the other hand. In both cases, global McDonaldization prevails structurally, while it may give a symbolic leeway to the local. [...] Indeed, from the end-user's or individual consumer's perspective, the particular explicit symbolic 'difference' may be a source of great emotional gratification; but from the perspective of the social structure, the system

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of production and consumption, what matters is the exact opposite - namely, the implicit structural homogenization. Thus, the question of global homogenization vs. local heterogenization cannot be exhausted by invoking symbolic differences, as is attempted by the twoway approach. 'McDonaldization' is not merely or mainly about the manufactured objects - the hamburgers - but first and foremost about the deep-seated social relationships involved in their production and consumption - i.e., it is about commodification and instrumentalization. In its broadest sense here, McDonaldization represents a robust commodification and instrumentalization of social relations, production and consumption, and therefore an appropriation of local cultures by global flows. This study [. . . ] proposes looking at the relations between the global and the local as a composite of the structural and symbolic levels, a composite in which the structural inherently appropriates the symbolic but without explicitly suppressing it. [...] This is what is meant by glocommodification global commodification combining structural uniformity with symbolic diversity.

The idea of world culture revolves around the work of John Meyer and a group of sociologists, some of whom were Meyer's students. They include a wide variety of phenomena under the heading of world culture, ranging all the way from a growing global consensus against genocide, to similar educational systems, to local chess clubs where the game is played in accord with global rules. In contrast to Marxists and neo-Marxists (like Wallerstein; see chapter 8 ) , world culture theorists focus, in Marxian terms, on the superstructure (culture) rather than on the base (the material, the economic). This chapter opens with several excerpts from World Culture: Origins and Consequences by Frank Lechner and John Boli. In the first excerpt they outline several dimensions of world culture. First, world culture is global, at least in its potential reach, although of course some parts of the globe may not (yet) be affected. Second, world culture is distinct, although it does not overwhelm or replace local culture. Third, world culture is complex: it is not unidimensional. Fourth, world culture is seen as an entity "with its own content and structure," but it is not a reified entity with tight boundaries clearly separating it from other cultural phenomena. Fifth, it is cultural in the sense that it involves "socially constructed and socially shared symbolism." Sixth, it is dynamic and tends to grow over time; it is "open to new ideas, vulnerable to


new conflicts, and subject to continual reinterpretation." Finally, world culture is significant; it "matters for the world as a whole and for the world in all its varied parts. " Under the heading "World Culture as Ontology of World Society," Lechner and Boli argue that "organizations in a particular field experience the same institutional pressure, they are likely to become more similar over time." Organizations are especially likely to feel pressed to become increasingly rational. The latter means, in the case of education, that school systems around the world, to take one example, are likely to implement certain "procedures and curricula, certain styles of teaching and studying," use professional teachers and textbooks, and so on. This "institutionalist view" (education is an institution that experiences institutional pressure to be like other educational systems around the world) has several components: 4




• •



World culture is the culture of many nation-states; of a decentralized world polity. "It contains rules and assumptions, often unstated and taken for granted, that are built into global institutions and practices." It can be seen as a "script" that is the joint product of many different people (e.g. professionals and organizational leaders) from many different parts of the world. 8

W o r l d Culture

World culture is "universalistic": "the same assumptions, the same models are relevant, indeed valid, across the globe." This does not mean that they are the same throughout the world, but local practices depend on global norms to at least some extent. 9

Much of world culture today has its origin in the West. It includes ideas about "individual value and autonomy, the importance of rationality in the pursuit of secular process, and the status of states as sovereign actors." However, world culture has now become global "because its main structural elements are similar across the globe and because they are deemed to be universally applicable." The result is global isomorphism, "the increasing institutional similarity of differently situated societies" in such domains as organized science and women's rights. 10



In spite of increasing similarities throughout the world, world culture theory recognizes that differences exist throughout the world due to incomplete institutionalization, resistance to world culture in some quarters, its acceptance and practice primarily by powerful societies, and the disparities, even contradictions, in its basic principles (e.g. between equality and liberty). Under "Differentiating World Culture," Lechner and Boli focus on the issues of the degree to which world culture is feared in many parts of the world (especially France) and the threat it poses to global

differences. In this context, they deal with many other issues dealt with in this book including McWorld (chapter 12), McDonaldization (chapter 15), and MNCs and TNCs (chapter 7). While not rejecting these views, Lechner and Boli make the point that these processes lead not only to global similarity but also to diversity and to "cultural cross-fertilization"; that locals react creatively to these global processes; and that world culture is not of one piece. Indeed, they go further to argue that diversity is fundamental to, built into, world culture. Also in this context, Lechner and Boli argue against the idea that the nation-state is being eroded or destroyed by globalization. Rather, they see world culture and the nation-state as intertwined; indeed, characteristics of the nation-state have come to be part of world culture. 13

Finnemore critiques the world culture perspective on several grounds. First, it focuses the effects of world culture, but tells us little about either the causes or the mechanisms of its spread. Second, it tends to emphasize the spread of an internally harmonious Western culture, especially its rational systems. However, what is ignored are the conflicts and tensions within that culture, especially those between progress and justice and between markets and bureaucracies. Third, the world culture perspective is silent on agency. Finally, it overlooks the role of power and coercion, that is politics, in the spread of world culture.

NOTES 1 2 3 4 5

Frank Lechner and John Boli, World Culture: Origins and Consequences. Maiden, MA: Blackwell, 2005, 27. Ibid., 27. Ibid., 28. Ibid., 28. It is an ontology because it is a "deep structure underlying global practices." Included in this structure are rules, principles, institutions, etc.

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

Lechner and Boli, World Culture, 43. Ibid., 44. Ibid., 44. Ibid., 44. Ibid., 46. Ibid., 46. Ibid., 46. Ibid., 141.

Frank J . Lechner and J o h n Boli

World Culture: Origins and Consequences Frank J. Lechner and John Boli

The Case for World Culture This [reading] proposes a view of world culture as a global, distinct, complex, and dynamic phenomenon and supports this view by analyzing its different dimensions with concrete examples. As prelude to our substantive chapters, we now summarize our perspective on world culture.

World culture as global In speaking of "world" culture, we have in effect treated it as global, as the globe-spanning culture of actual world society. Though the distinction between "world" phenomena, as properties of large geographical areas, and "global" ones, of true planetary scope, once may have mattered, world and global in these senses have practically converged. [...] [W]hat matters for our purposes is that certain ideas and principles are presented as globally relevant and valid, and are seen as such by those who absorb them. At any rate, the claim does not have to be wholly correct as an empirical matter (for example, not all parts of the globe need to be equally enamored of chess [.. .]) to be useful as a working hypothesis (for example, because the chess subculture works on common assumptions [•••]).

World culture as distinct Arguing that the world has a culture might seem to slight the diversity that still prevails today. However, our point is not that world culture obliterates all others, supersedes the local, or makes the world one in the sense of being utterly similar. To be sure, from our

analytical point of view, it does have a coherence and content of its own, but this does not imply empirically that the world is on a long slide toward Turning Point's monoculture. Nor does it rule out the possibility of a "clash of civilizations." [ . . . ] We suggest that world culture grows alongside of, and in complex interaction with, the more particularistic cultures of the world. In relating to world culture the more particularistic ones also change. For example [...] the civilizations central to Huntington's argument are always already embedded in an encompassing global civilization, which to some extent constrains their interactions and bridges their differences. Within world culture, civilizations cannot be self-centered, taken-for-granted practices, if they ever were. Actual cultural practices in particular places, as well as the thinking of particular individuals, are likely to exhibit mixtures of "world" and more local symbolism. In treating world culture as distinct, we do not claim to capture the full range of those practices. As our argument about how to distinguish world culture implies, world culture is not the sum of all things cultural.

World culture as c o m p l e x From another angle, our analysis of world culture might seem too complex, too focused on teasing out tension and difference. The monocultural scenario, after all, has numerous supporters. According to the popular "McDonaldization" argument, for instance, institutional forces pressing for efficiency and control threaten to impose one way of life everywhere. We think the direction sketched by this argument is partly correct: rationalization is powerful, and in fact a certain kind of rationality has become an influential cultural model. But even on the culinary scene, rationalization is not a cul-de-sac. The fast-food experience takes many forms, single models of food production come in multiple

World Culture: Origins and Consequences

versions, foods and tastes mix around the world. From our perspective, the McDonaldization thesis is not so much wrong as one-sided. World culture encompasses different domains and contains tensions among its different components. Global consciousness does not come in one styrofoam package.

World culture as an entity We have already ascribed several characteristics to world culture. Whenever we say that world culture "does" X, the specter of reification lurks. In some instances, of course, talking of world culture as an active whole is a matter of convenience, sparing us the need to unpack it into components or into the actions of people using the symbolic resources at their disposal. Treating it in this way does not entail seeing it divorced from other realms of human activity. As we have already hinted in our discussion of "real world" institutions, we think the analytical move to distinguish the cultural from, say, the political and economic, should actually enable us to see how those aspects of human activity are mutually constitutive. However, we do not want to grant critics of reification too much. In the final analysis, we do claim that a distinct and recognizable world culture is crystallizing as a phenomenon with its own content and structure. At the same time, we do not draw tight boundaries. In exploring what issues reasonably fit under the heading of world culture, we err on the side of inclusion.

World culture as culture As we explained, we hold a particular view of culture. We regard it as socially constructed and socially shared symbolism. Our position is "holistic" and "constructionist." This rules out subjective or purely textual views of culture - it is neither (just) in people's heads nor (just) in esoteric documents. It also leaves aside popular grab-bag notions of culture as a way of life. However, it incorporates many other perspectives, from which we borrow liberally. Our holistic constructionism directs attention to the way in which culture is created and consciousness is formed. It suggests that, once created, cultural forms do have a dynamic of their own. It requires analysis of how cultural elements come to be shared, notably through the work of institutions that

carry abstract ideas into practice. It points to the fault lines and tectonic stresses that may become sources of change. We argue [elsewhere] that this perspective builds on and complements much previous work on world culture. We apply this perspective heuristically. Our purpose [...] is to marshal available resources to illuminate our problems, not to engage in scholarly polemics by advocating one theory to the exclusion of others. We hope that our view of culture is sufficiently ecumenical to be useful to a wide range of readers.

World culture as dynamic Our opening example of global sports showed how rules, ideas, and symbolism surrounding this transnational practice have grown over the years. The world culture of sports is always being constructed and reconstructed. The point applies more generally. World culture is not simply a finished structure, a done deal. Certainly, some world-cultural patterns display continuity over many decades, as the global commitment to the nation-state form illustrates. But world culture is open to new ideas, vulnerable to new conflicts, and subject to continual reinterpretation. Even the apparent convergence of people and countries from many regions on the merits of liberal democracy as a model for organizing societies hardly counts as the "end of history." Much as we appreciate the value of the model itself, we lack the Hegelian confidence to think of contemporary world culture as the fully formed end point of humanity's ideological evolution, or as the irreversible progress of reason that has achieved a system immune to future contradictions.

World culture as significant Needless to say, we think world culture is significant in many ways. We argue against the view that it is a veneer, a set of fairly abstract notions only variably relevant in real people's lives. Examples such as the globalization backlash, one could argue, still refer to the concerns of a relatively small elite. Models such as neoliberalism or even the nation-state would seem irrelevant in West African states on the verge of collapse. We agree that the relevance of world culture can vary in this way, but this does not diminish its significance

Frank J . L e c h n e r a n d J o h n Boli

as a feature of world society. Without grasping world culture we could not understand the direction of world affairs, as we have already suggested. However, it is also vastly more pervasive in particular places than ever before. Anti-globalization discourse affects African dealings with international organizations, neoliberalism shapes development strategies even of countries with few resources, and the nationstate has become the operative model for groups not naturally hospitable to living within one political system. Even more concretely, as our earlier examples show, many regular activities now embody world culture in some way. World culture matters for the world as a whole and for the world in all its varied parts. [..-.] [...]

World Culture as Ontology of World Society In the 1970s, John Meyer and his colleagues faced a puzzle about the spread of formal education around the globe. Why, they wondered, did states with very different needs and resources adopt very similar educational institutions and methods, even when these did not obviously suit their particular situations? Meyer's previous work on educational organizations suggested a way to address the issue. He had argued that in modern societies organizations are not so much tools deliberately designed to solve problems as institutions driven by outside pressure to implement practices defined as "rational." Organizations are "dramatic enactments" of rules that pervade a particular sector of society. By adopting these rules, ceremoniously as it were, by operating according to the official "myths" of rationality, organizations increase their legitimacy. Because all organizations in a particular field experience the same institutional pressure, they are likely to become more similar over time. The insight Meyer and his colleagues brought to bear first on education, and ultimately on world culture as a whole, is that this "institutionalist" account also works at the global level. What, then, are the rules and assumptions built into the globalization of formal education? First of all, education has become the obligatory work of states. States themselves are

constrained by global rules to act in rational fashion for the sake of progress: according to prevalent global models, states have ultimate authority in many areas of life, and they must exercise that authority by building "rational" institutions that promote "growth." Formal public education is one such institution. Any modern state must have it, even if, as in the case of Malawi and similar countries, the country has few resources to sustain it and its people have basic needs not served by this foreign import. Second, education seems so compelling in part because it is inextricably linked to great collective goals. According to the global script, learning increases human capital, educational investment raises growth, the spread of knowledge is the road to progress. Third, education has to take a certain form. A "rational" system is not one specifically designed to produce growth and literate citizens in a way that suits a particular country, but rather one that implements certain kinds of procedures and curricula, certain styles of teaching and studying. Thus, Malawi strives to implement a modern curriculum with professional teachers who exercise authority in their classroom, however difficult this may be when books and pencils are lacking. In globalizing education, form trumps function. Fourth, education reflects particular ideas about the people involved in it, especially the students. They are to be treated as individuals capable of learning, entitled to opportunity, eager to expand their horizons. Education must foster individual growth, but it must also connect students to their country: both implicitly and explicitly, it is always a kind of citizenship training. Around the world, formal education is one large civics lesson. Here again, Malawi is a case in point, even if individuality is unlikely to be fostered through mass teaching in drafty classrooms. The example shows several characteristics of world culture as institutionalists view it. It is the culture of a decentralized "world polity," in which many states are legitimate players but none controls the rules of the game (this account is therefore often called "world polity theory"). It contains rules and assumptions, often unstated and taken for granted, that are built into global institutions and practices. When we illustrated [elsewhere] how many features of world society are "deeply cultural," for instance in the case of world chess, we already were applying an institutionalist insight. Moreover, no single person, organization, or

World Culture: Origins and Consequences

state chooses the rules it follows; these are, to a large extent, exogenous - features of the world polity as a whole. In part for this reason, institutionalists sometimes describe world culture as composed of "scripts." Of course, a script does not simply create itself. It is the joint product of teachers and administrators, ministry officials and consultants, UNESCO representatives and NGO advocates. Like many aspects of world culture, it is the focus of much specialized professional activity, notably in international organizations. Finally, world culture is universalistic: the same assumptions, the same models are relevant, indeed valid, across the globe. To return to our example, this is not to say that actual educational practice exactly lives up to a single global model, but, institutionalists claim, the power of world culture is evident in the extent to which local practice depends on global norms. Because these scholars view world culture as a deep structure underlying global practices, they have described it as a kind of "ontology." In using this term, they do not imply that global actors routinely speculate philosophically about the nature of being, but they do think there are now powerful, globally shared ideas about what is "real" in world society. Ontology, in their sense, comprises a set of rules and principles that define, among other things, the very actors that can legitimately participate in world affairs. "Culture has both an ontological aspect, assigning reality to actors and action, to means and ends; and it has a significatory aspect, endowing actor and action, means and ends, with meaning and legitimacy." It "includes the institutional models of society itself." It specifies what the constituent parts of world society are and what kinds of things are to be considered valuable in the first place. This culture constitutes the array of authoritative organizations carrying out its mandates. Because the world cultural order shapes not only the nation-state system but also other organizations and even human identities, Meyer and his colleagues ultimately present the world as the enactment of culture. Of course, this implies that world culture is not simply made by actors, the product of contending groups in a given system; it does not necessarily sustain a particular type of political economy or justify the position of actors within it, as the materialist account would have it. World culture cuts deeper. What is the content of this ontology? As the education example shows, one prime tenet of world culture

is that the world consists of states - corporate actors in control of territory and population, endowed with sovereignty, charged with numerous tasks, and expected to operate rationally in pursuit of globally defined progress. Though states encounter many difficulties, the idea has a powerful grip on global practice. But states are not the only actors, for the second main tenet of world culture, again evident in the education example, is that the world also consists of individuals human actors endowed with rights and needs, possessing a distinct subjective consciousness, moving through a common life course, and acting as choosers and decision makers. Of course, Meyer does not mean that world culture somehow creates flesh-and-blood persons. However, how we understand and express ourselves as persons, the way we assert our rights and needs, does depend on globally relevant ideas. States and individuals are inextricably linked through a third tenet, the global principle of citizenship, which requires the cultivation of individual capacities as a basis for societal growth, respect for the equal rights and status of all members of society, and the creation of commonality among individuals as a way to integrate society. In short, the way we belong to a society is not simply an accident of birth or a result of personal choice; to some extent, belonging fits a global mold. Yet individuals are not merely citizens of states: since in principle all have the same rights and duties, may pursue their own interests freely, and can contribute to solving collective problems, they are construed as citizens of the world polity as a whole. The origins of this world culture clearly lie in the core Western cultural account, itself derived from medieval Christendom. Notions of individual value and autonomy, the importance of rationality in the pursuit of secular progress, and the status of states as sovereign actors, have deep roots in European history. Even in the nineteenth century, such basic ideas were still applied first and foremost by and for Westerners. However, this culture is now effectively global, both because its main structural elements are similar across the globe and because they are deemed to be universally applicable. It has become global due to a decades-long process of institutionalization. Intergovernmental organizations enshrined many of the tenets we have described, for example in international conventions and declarations [ . . . ] . After the Second World War,

Frank J . L e c h n e r a n d J o h n Boli

state building proceeded largely according to global scripts, resulting in a world of sovereign, rational, nominally equal states. Institutions focused on cultivating individuals have expanded rapidly. These include, of course, the educational institutions we have referred to in this chapter, but many others as well [ . . . ] . International nongovernmental organizations - voluntary associations of interested individuals - have assumed increased influence in articulating global principles. Many people, groups, and institutions, in short, have done the work of world culture. A key consequence of that work is global isomorphism, the increasing institutional similarity of differently situated societies. Where materialist accounts of the capitalist world-system would expect variation by economic status and historical trajectory, institutionalists find homogeneity, for example, in the way organized science spreads to all corners of the globe or in the way women's rights gain recognition within many states. Since institutionalists treat world culture as constitutive of reality, as a symbolic structure that shapes the ways people act and feel, they do not need to assume any widespread, explicit agreement on the fundamentals of world culture. They would suggest that even ostensible critics of existing world culture, such as environmentalists or feminists, ultimately conform to important tenets. However, this is not to say that world culture is a seamless web. For one thing, institutionalization is always incomplete, due to numerous local constraints, as we already noted in the case of formal education in Malawi, which resembles the supposed global script in only some respects. World culture also provokes genuine conflict. Thus, the assertion of equal rights for women has been challenged by Islamic groups as incompatible with their tradition. The notion that world culture is now global, universally shared and applicable, is itself subject to challenge in practice, insofar as it is disproportionately the product of powerful states. A case in point is the expansion of education, at least in part a consequence of America's exercise of hegemony. World culture could not be seamless in any case, since many of its principles are contradictory, as is evident in the well-known tensions between equality and liberty, efficiency and individuality, and expectations for states to "be themselves" and "act alike."

World culture thus creates a culturally dynamic world: "Ironically, world-cultural structuration produces more mobilization and competition among the various types of similarly constructed actors than would occur in a genuinely segmental world. Increasing consensus on the meaning and value of individuals, organizations, and nation-states yields more numerous and intense struggles to achieve independence, autonomy, progress, justice, and equality." The institutionalists agree with the Wallersteinians on several empirical features of the modern worldsystem, but they account for the origins and reproduction of that system in different ways. As our brief summary has shown, the institutionalists give culture much greater weight. It becomes, so to speak, base rather than superstructure. As an analytical standpoint, this carries its own risks. For example, it is tempting to find evidence of deep culture at work in the activities of various institutions and then use the understanding of culture thus acquired to explain the evidence that served to generate the independent cultural variable in the first place. While avoiding such circular reasoning, we will partly rely on the institutionalist argument for guidance. [...]

Differentiating World Culture: National Identity and the Pursuit of Diversity [...] World culture, in this view, is simply the globalization of the West. Like deterritorialization, McDonaldization, Coca-Colanization, and Americanization, the cultural imperialism argument portends a single world with a single culture. While this scenario contains important kernels of truth, it is far too stark. In many ways, globalization itself is a "motor of diversity." For example, McDonaldization, much derided by French activists, captures only part of global food trends. As Asia takes to hamburgers and Cokes, Europe and North America adopt Eastern cuisines; though a less standardized product, sushi is as global as the golden arches. Globalization thus fosters many kinds of cultural cross-fertilization. Within particular countries, it

World Culture: Origins and Consequences

usually expands the "menu of choice" for individuals by liberating them from the constraints of place, as French consumers of jeans and jazz and Japanese electronics - as well as hamburgers and "French fries" can attest. This applies to language as well. Through translation, particular languages and literatures increasingly build "bridgeheads" to other places, as illustrated by the success of Latin-American novelists in France. Immigration and cultural contact introduce impure innovations, a form of linguistic diversity that official French opposition to ff anglais ironically attempts to stifle. Among global audiences, globalization thus fosters cultural experimentation. Even in the industry that most provoked French ire, the feared homogeneity brought about by American dominance is by no means absolute: Hollywood must still compete with other centers of film production, such as India's Bollywood; its global success depends in part on its ability to attract non-American talents and adapt to non-American tastes; and it encourages the development of homegrown niche productions. As these examples suggest, the "creative destruction" of global competition also has diversifying consequences. Even if we implausibly assume that all place-based culture is doomed, there is no reason why supposedly deterritorialized communities should be culturally uniform. Underground dance club aficionados are distinct from professional soccer players or fruit fly researchers; the proliferation of their multifarious ties stimulates new kinds of transnational diversity. While multiplying empirical examples of diversity "on the ground" would take us too far afield in examining the intricacies of the much-feared globalization process, our first response to the doomsayers is simply that the world is still a very diverse and surprising place, unlikely to be smothered in one cultural goulash. Our second rejoinder is more closely related to the agenda of this book. As we have described world culture, some of its fundamental substance is quite abstract. McDonald's-style rationality, American neoliberalism, and Western universalism provide only very general models for social action. At least two of the theories we [have] discussed argue that the implications of such models impel creative adaptation by particular groups in particular places. Robertson calls this glocalization, Hannerz creolization. World-cultural precepts become socially real by being incorporated in locally situated practices. Thus, Hong Kong becomes

McDonaldized rather differently than Peoria; neoliberal privatization proceeds differently in India than in the UK; democracy takes hold differently in Mexico than in the Czech Republic. Certain kinds of pop music may be transnationally popular, but their vibrancy still depends on the way musicians make such music part of their own traditions. The upshot of the Robertson/ Hannerz line of thought is that groups and societies mix and match, borrow and adapt, learn and revise. By its very generality, world culture gives an impetus toward highly varied interpretation. What is more, world culture is not of a piece. Even the elements in the homogenization scenario are not identical: though McDonald's does serve Coke, McDonaldization and Coca-Colanization metaphorically capture different forms of homogenization. While the "America" that has left its imprint on world culture is a reality, "the West" is a vague community of values. McDonald's and Coke, America and "the West" - the forces evoked by those terms are themselves quite different. However close the affinities of these components, a culture that is rationalized a la McDonald's, dependent on lowbrow consumer taste, influenced by popular culture, and infused with falsely universal aspirations is not an internally consistent whole. The components define different aspects of global reality; they vary in strength and scope. More generally, as we [have seen], Appadurai has described the "disjunctures" between the different dimensions of world culture. World culture contains different sets of universally applicable and influential ideas that operate at different rhythms, creating multiple tensions and unpredictable intersections. For example, two of the core ideas identified with American-style cultural imperialism - namely a fully liberalized market and democratic governance - may have contradictory implications when applied globally: one encourages the unregulated pursuit of self-interest, the other stresses deliberate collective control of social affairs. World culture therefore does not, and could not, prescribe any single course of action to be followed by everyone everywhere. Indeed, the very process of globalization itself is molded by contending views of how it ought to be structured. [...] Disjuncture and contention preserve diversity. We [have seen] that such varied interpretations and disjunctures are a common theme in much recent scholarship. Recall Breidenbach and Zukrigl's book on

Frank J . Lechner a n d J o h n Boli

the "dance of cultures," which shows with a wealth of ethnographic examples how people around the world incorporate global products and practices into their own world-views, adapt new categories such as "feminism" according to their own needs, "talk back" to the supposed sources of cultural flows, and engage in all manner of resistance. Or recall the Berger and Huntington volume on "many globalizations," which shows how a supposedly universal process takes different paths according to local cultural contexts. Both in his book on cultural globalization and even more systematically in an earlier work on cultural imperialism, Tomlinson has subjected the cultural imperialism argument to criticism, arguing against the idea that the cultural "synchronization" produced by the spread of modern institutions is a destructive imposition. As we pointed out, not all these scholars fully share our view of world culture. But we detect in their work a convergence on a basic point, namely that any emerging world culture is bound to be refracted in complex ways by the prisms of specific groups and societies and that diversity is bound to flourish through the multiple ways in which they relate to such an overarching world culture. We can go a step further. Difference is flourishing not just in the way a nascent world culture "plays out" in practice, but also as an organizing principle of world culture. To return to the example we started with, while the tone of the francophone conference may have been defensive, it also emphatically called for recognition of diversity as a value in its own right. It advocated the mutual recognition of cultures and their right to participate on an equal basis in the "concert of nations." Though its cause was French, its appeal was framed in universal terms, referring specifically to the support of international organizations such as UNESCO. Indigenous peoples and movements working on their behalf similarly claim the right to maintain their particularistic heritages. The importance of "cultural survival" as such, to cite the name of one advocacy group, has become conventional wisdom. The very concept of indigeneity points to a burgeoning global respect for the heritages of minority groups. Both national and indigenous defenders of difference have vested some of their hopes in UNESCO, and that organization has become a linchpin in the globalization of diversity as a value. Thus far, it has done its share in fostering difference by issuing reports charting cultural

diversity within world culture, celebrating diversity as a goal for the world community, and instituting programs to protect the world's cultural heritage. Among state leaders, movement activists, and IGO officials, the cause of diversity thus has been gaining strength. In Western academic circles, such trends have been bolstered by the discourse of "multiculturalism," which itself has swept across the globe, assigning equal value to different cultures and promoting coexistence rather than dominance. However justified the fear of indigenous groups may be as a practical matter, the globalizing diversity industry indicates that world culture is more complex than the imperialist scenario allows. Diversity has been enshrined as a counterpoint to homogenization. Particularism is universalized, as Robertson has suggested. This is not to say, of course, that "mere" rhetoric will help the French build a bulwark against Hollywood blockbusters. It is to suggest, though, that world culture itself nurtures the seeds of difference. In other words, difference is built in. This more differentiated view of world culture follows straightforwardly from the work of Robertson, who makes contrasting definitions of the global situation the hallmark of world culture, and from the work of anthropologists like Hannerz, who treat world culture as the organization of diversity. However, the same idea also appears in world-system theory, which assumes that the geographical division of labor within a single world market depends on competition among culturally distinct units within the system. By comparison with these perspectives, Meyer and his colleagues put more emphasis on the way in which similar institutions are enacted across the globe, though they also portray the world polity as internally differentiated. The scholarly pendulum is thus swinging away from the kind of anxiety that dominates much public discourse. But rather than dismissing the fears of cultural loss, our picture of world culture helps to put them in perspective: as world culture grows, some differences may fall by the wayside, others require redefinition, still others are constantly created. To summarize, while fears of a world-cultural goulash are understandable, there are at least three reasons to be skeptical of the scenario such fears assume: the globalization process, regarded as pushing homogenization, actually has varied effects; the process takes place in the context of an existing world culture to which individual groups

World Culture: Origins and Consequences

and societies relate in varied ways; and world culture itself fosters difference through the principles it contains and the institutions it legitimates. This argument entails that fears of American hegemony, so common in French responses to world culture, are overstated. To make our case more concrete, we now turn to a particular form of difference often regarded as endangered, the kind at issue in the francophone example with which we started, namely national difference. Our argument implies that nations can flourish as distinct entities under the canopy of world culture. We support this argument by showing how, in one instance, the reproduction of national difference occurs. However, we do not aim for a Panglossian conclusion that for nations this is the best of all possible worlds. While world culture fosters national difference, it also embeds nations in a transnational framework that constrains and homogenizes them.

The Difference Nations Make Is there still a place for nations in the world? Those who fear global uniformity believe the answer may be negative, for the reasons we discussed above. Deterritorialization implies that the control of the nation-state over its own affairs diminishes. The upshot of McDonaldization, Coca-Colanization, and Americanization is the accelerating demise of the national, as national distinctions are undermined by transnational rules, tastes, and institutions. Not surprisingly, then, influential authors foresee the end of the nation: "Too remote to manage the problems of our daily life, the nation nevertheless remains too constrained to confront the global problems that affect us." Another student of nationalism concludes that today's world "can no longer be contained within the limits of 'nations' and 'nation-states' as these used to be defined [...] It will see [these] primarily as retreating before, resisting, adapting to, being absorbed or dislocated by, the new supranational restructuring of the globe." As the "isomorphism of people, territory, and legitimate sovereignty that constitutes the normative character of the nation-state" has eroded, the nation-state itself "has become obsolete and other formations for allegiance and identity have taken its place." Under conditions of globalization, "[t]he centrality of national cultures,

national identities and their institutions is challenged." While Appadurai and Held et al. do not infer from the nation's dire straits a picture of a homogeneous world culture, the more common diagnosis remains that a one-size-fits-all culture leaves little room for national difference. We argue against this common diagnosis. As we have suggested, the "one-size-fits-all" view of world culture is itself misleading. Focusing on the nation allows us to elaborate our main points about world culture, namely that it produces difference in practice and contains difference in principle. Addressing the demise-of-nations scenario further enables us to refine our position by showing how the fear of uniformity rests on questionable assumptions about static national cultures confronting an oppressive, alien force. For illustrations we return to the French example we have cited before. This case is especially pertinent because France has played a major role in the history of nationalism as the "archetype" of a nation-state and because, as we have seen, many influential figures have championed France as a nation in the global debate about difference. This championing is rich with ironies. In discussing these ironies, we aim not to convey all the ways in which nations reproduce their identity but only to focus on the extent to which the reproduction of difference revolves around the operations of world culture. The first irony in presenting the nation as a bulwark of cultural difference is that historically the drive toward nationhood itself has often obliterated differences. In most places, nations were forged out of previously distinct regions and peoples. The unity they possessed often sprang from visions of coherence pursued by elites in control of states who deliberately created "imagined" communities. According to one interpretation, these visions themselves first gained plausibility in industrial societies that placed a premium on a shared high culture, fostered by formal education, that facilitated communication among large populations. Historically, then, nation is to difference what singlecrop agriculture is to biodiversity. The French state, for example, has itself been relentlessly homogenizing, not least by requiring the use of standard French throughout its territory. To Bretons, the idea of French as a carrier of diversity can seem far-fetched. This implies that one assumption underlying the

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common scenario is implausible. Since nations are relatively recent creations, it is misleading to think of them as fully formed cultural wholes suddenly confronted by a stream of global cultural material that invades them. Though it is now conventional wisdom to think of nations as "constructed" and "imagined" rather than "primordial," defenders of difference have an ironically primordial view of national identity, insofar as they treat it as something deeply rooted and unchanging. However, even in seemingly old nations, national identity is always in flux. In the case of France, that identity was established by turning "peasants into Frenchmen," as the title of one prominent study put it, in the late nineteenth century, when "long didactic campaigns" taught inhabitants of France to speak French and to think of themselves as French. The Third Republic of that period built a new nation by means of "coercive elimination" of regional diversity and languages, notably by instituting a nationalized system of free public schools. Applied to France itself, the "defense of difference" advocated by the public figures discussed above risks locking into place a fairly recent version of national identity at the expense of further experimentation and the "intertemporal diversity" that might result. Another irony in the defense of national difference against a global cultural juggernaut is that critics of homogeneity appear to have so little faith in actually existing difference. It is as if uniformly hapless countries await a common fate. However, even a cursory glance across the globe shows that nations vary greatly in their understanding of what it means to be a nation. "Is there in fact any one thing called a nation?" asks one scholar, explaining that "[ejach nation-state now on earth could supply a slightly different meaning for the word 'nation,' a different official account (perhaps more than one), not only of its own origins and development, but of the idea of national identity that it supposedly embodies." In many instances, these "different accounts" were deliberately created by elites attempting to draw distinctions between their own nation and foreign counterparts, thereby charting distinct paths toward nationhood. Pecora's point applies to France as well, where at least two conceptions of the nation one rooted in visions of the traditional Catholic monarchy, the other in the revolutionary vision of a secular republic - have been at odds for two centuries, perhaps to be replaced by a third vision more attuned

to new social realities. To infer from the enormous variety of national situations that a single world-view or way of life will prove uniformly devastating is simply implausible. The case for national difference against global homogeneity depends on a far too homogeneous view of national identity. Scenarios that oppose nation to world culture portray them as somehow separate. However, far from being unrelated adversaries, world culture and national cultures evolved together. [...] nineteenthcentury world culture was in part made by and for nations. From the outset, nationalism was itself a transnational movement, important first in Latin America and Europe, later in Asia and Africa. The creation of nations was always accompanied by claims to universal respect of politically organized but culturally distinct communities. Of course, world culture could only become "transnational" when the form and legitimacy of nations were largely taken for granted. In this entwinement of world and national culture, France in fact played a pivotal role. France took shape as a nation-state when its revolutionary elite articulated a new creed with universal aspirations. Liberty, equality, and brotherhood have been ideological elements of world culture ever since. By organizing itself dramatically as a nation-state at the time of its revolution, France created a model for others to follow. Ironically, the world culture French intellectuals bemoan is therefore, at least in part, of their predecessors' making. By presenting this particular nation as the embodiment of universal values, France also created an influential, nonethnic or "civic" version of nationhood, which competed with others such as the "ethnic" German version. This variety in the ways nations formed and asserted themselves has itself become entrenched in world culture. National difference has long been built into world culture. World-system theorists would modify this point about entwinement of the global and the national. As we have seen, they regard the existence of politically and culturally distinct units as critical to the system. The worst-case scenario for world capitalism, their argument implies, is the transformation of a differentiated market system into a single world empire. A more successful Napoleon might have wrecked that system. Differences are therefore functional, but they hardly produce the kind of tolerant diversity current critics of world culture envision. Historically, differences fueled

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competition and conflict. The rise of nation-states amounted to the reorganization of previously existing regional differences into more politically organized and internally homogeneous units fit for global competition. France's rise as a nation-state was therefore less a matter of spreading a revolutionary faith than of positioning it for that competition. Yet that faith had consequences as well. For all its universalism, it also set up a hierarchy among nations. Some countries could fully live up to France's standards, others only partly so, while still other groups could not even aspire to nationhood. Nationalism, Wallerstein has noted, "first emerged as the response to the universalizing imperialism of the revolutionary power, France." This form of "popular antisystemic mobilization" subsequently "received sustenance particularly from the successive waves of struggle taking place in the semiperipheral areas of the world-economy." As the embodiment of enlightened principles, France helped to create a world culture legitimating Euro-American dominance throughout the colonial age. The irony here is that for most of two centuries world culture actually resembled the hegemonic kind of culture French commentators now oppose, a hegemony to which Frenchmen actively contributed. In world culture, then, not all differences are created equal. Given its involvement in establishing a hierarchical version of world culture, France's more ecumenical defense of difference today rings a bit hollow to world-system theorists. World polity theorists amplify the point about the historical entwinement of the global and the national in a slightly different way. They are most impressed with the way in which the trappings of the nation have become truly global norms, applying equally to all properly constituted societies. In the nineteenth century, even European nation-states' capacity to control their territory and their people was actually quite limited. For a long time, nationalism was more vision than reality, but the nationalist definition of the global situation was real in its consequences. Once the model was defined, its content expanded greatly, as we have seen in earlier chapters. In some ways, of course, this reduced global pluralism. By the year 2000, more countries looked more alike. Yet the very success of the nation-state model now also provides global standards for what nations must do to reproduce themselves, and globally legitimated tools to satisfy those standards. Nation-states cannot be passive. They have work to

do in upholding their identity. We have already seen examples of that work in the French case. The media policy that protects France's cultural "exception" depends on global norms authorizing state responsibility in this area. The same goes for its educational policies. France's effort to teach children across the country in the same way, striving for closely coordinated teaching in a single system designed to turn individuals into good citizens, is a particularly energetic way of discharging a global responsibility. The broader point here is that locally distinctive policy processes such as these are ways to reproduce national identities in keeping with world-cultural standards. Upholding national identity through national institutions is the world-cultural thing to do. Robertson's globalization theory also complements our analysis. As we have seen, this theory portrays world culture as stimulating rather than suppressing difference. With regard to national culture, this works in at least two ways. National and world culture stand in a kind of dialectical relationship. To Robertson, the generalization of a partly French model of nationstates to globally legitimate status is an instance of the "universalization of the particular." But such universalization always provokes the opposite trend of "particularization of the universal," in the French case an increasingly anxious attempt to define more actively and precisely what makes France stand out as a nation among others. Nations are therefore always caught in the interplay of standardizing uniformity and diversifying particularity. Worrying about how-to-benational is inherent in the rules of the world-cultural game. To some extent, nations have always been part of a single "game," identifying their position relative to certain universal rules and principles. Relativization, to use Robertson's term, is nothing new. However, as world culture has grown along with other forms of global integration, this burden of distinct identification has increased as well. The common notion that many French lamentations stem from a loss of former greatpower status is relevant here, since this relativization especially hits home in a society that was so instrumental in building up the world-cultural edifice within which it now must find a new place. The French concern about the viability of their national identity is thus rooted in the key world-cultural process Robertson has identified. But the Robertsonian argument also suggests that the French can be sanguine about their

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prospects, since relativization with regard to world culture, from the historically varied standpoints of nations, will lead to a great variety of outcomes. Through relativization, world culture actually drives differentiation. By redefining their role as defenders of difference, the French are thus playing out a differentiated scenario. Even more emphatically than Robertson, anthropologists like Hannerz stress the highly variable entwinement of world and national culture. To push their point a bit with French metaphors, national culture becomes a bricolage or mélange of world-cultural elements through creolization. This is not a case, however, of world culture bearing down on hapless nations. Creolization refers to continuous, critical interaction. When France sticks to its media quotas while also enjoying Hollywood fare, when French-speakers adopt franglais, when Disney icons rival the Eiffel Tower, when adherents of a secular universal faith discover the value of diversity, the result is a national culture less pristine than its leading intellectuals prefer but more distinctive than they are prepared to admit. Further, because creolization is a form of interaction, world culture is affected as well. In practice, it is a composite of the ways nations make sense of it. The French way of "doing" world culture contributes to the overall organization of diversity. By their actions, ironically, French critics of homogeneity disprove their point. We have argued that world culture contains and fosters difference, but with regard to nations it has not always done so in the same way or to the same degree. Until recently, leading nation-states were more intent on spreading their influence than on guaranteeing difference. France, for instance, has had little compunction about globalizing its own culture, including the use of its own language as an international lingua franca. Would the French be as worried about uniformity if it were expressed in French? Would French politicians lead La Francophonie in defense of difference if France's once universal aspirations had been universally accepted? The irony here is that our argument, as well as the position of the French intellectuals itself, depends in part on the outcome of struggles against former French dominance in world culture. It is the success of movements asserting their right to political and cultural independence from colonizing powers - movements that themselves took different directions - that has helped to entrench the right to self-determination and

distinctive identities as universal principles in a world culture less tainted by hegemony.

Conclusions As our extended illustration shows, the global and the local/national are thoroughly intertwined in the reproduction of difference. In carrying out its identity work through public policy, as France has done in enforcing its cultural exception, the nation-state firmly rests on world-cultural principles of great legitimacy. The very task of defining the nation is a standard responsibility of the state, taken especially seriously in France, and in this sense any definition of national identity is always more-than-national. Insofar as the forces of globalization undermine a nation's settled forms of self-understanding, which is certainly true of France, the magnitude of that task increases. Where the capacity of a nation to respond is in question, the salience of national identity as a project may well be even greater, especially if, as illustrated by the strong sentiments of many French public figures cited above, the relevant cultural elite is deeply invested in it. Nations can show resilience precisely in becoming embattled, as the French example shows. In fact, the components of French identity - universalistic culture, a strong state, a quest for a world role - may make it especially suitable as a defender of difference, and its defensive actions may well enrich and expand French culture. Of course, the degree to which a nation's identity becomes embattled and the particular way in which it shows resilience are shaped by the sediments in its cultural foundation, by its global exposure and vantage point, and by its own historical trajectory in relation to the interplay between globalizing forces and national sediments. The global-national dialectic is clearly pathdependent. We showed, for example, how France's own involvement in the history of world culture now shapes its critical posture. Other factors we can only mention here will further shape the way France deals with the "crisis" of its national identity. Will the growing presence of Muslim immigrants and their offspring lead to a gradual loosening of national attachment or trigger strong reaffirmations of "traditional" national identity? Will European integration further erode the sovereignty and domestic control of the French state?

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Will the relatively low proportion of the French people who consider themselves "very proud" of their nationality, around 40 percent in 1999-2000, increase or decrease? Since histories vary, depending in part on such "local" factors, no single case such as the one we have discussed can fully illuminate the dynamics of what is now a global experience. The very fact that it is difficult to generalize supports our argument against the homogenization scenario. But even if France no longer serves as a global model, the French are not unique in the predicament they face and the response they have fashioned. The upshot of our analysis is, once again, that expectations of cultural doom or the demise of diversity are simplistic. However, our argument should not dispel such notions entirely. The world-cultural legitimation of difference depends for its efficacy on the practical identity work of distinct groups, work that is contingent on "local" factors. From a general picture of world culture, even combined with strong assumptions about globalization, we therefore cannot derive clear-cut local predictions. Because the observable diversity of world culture stems from the multiplicity of particular identity projects, however much relativized and implicated in the global circumstance, that diversity is, so to speak, always up for grabs.

We also cannot say that the nation and national identity are secure as the defining form of difference in the twenty-first century. For all the current focus on the national in France, national identity may well become less salient over time. This is by no means to forecast a happy cosmopolitan future; rather, it is to suggest that national distinction may lose out in competition with other forms of collective identity, other claims on particularized loyalty. The rise of indigenous movements raises this possibility. On the horizon are more forceful claims for recognition of groups that differ in their sexual orientation and practices. World culture in principle legitimates alternative forms of particularism and therefore allows for such a pluralism of differences. We therefore need not fear homogeneity, little comfort though it may offer to defenders of any specific, uniquely cherished kind of difference, such as the French exception. In any case, a world in which a hundred differences bloom is not necessarily peaceful or pleasant. It may not sustain the kind of difference, such as the national, for which many have given their lives. When it comes to difference, contemporary world culture offers no guarantees.

Norms, Culture, and World Politics: Insights from Sociology's Institutionalism Martha Finnemore First, institutionalist research has been more concerned with documenting the effects of world cultural structure than investigating its causes or the mechanisms of change in the cultural structure itself. Institutionalists tend to produce global correlative studies whose structure and logic follow from Meyer and Rowan's initial insights about isomorphism in the face of dissimilar task demands. Institutionalist studies generally proceed by collecting quantitative data on a large number of units (usually states) and demonstrating that rather than correlating with local task demands,

attributes or behavior of the units correlate with attributes or behavior of other units or with worldwide phenomena (international conferences and treaties or world historical events, for example). These analyses are often quite sophisticated, using event history analysis and other techniques that look exotic to most political scientists. However, once correlation is established, world cultural causes are assumed. Detailed process-tracing and case study analysis to validate and elaborate the inferences based on correlation are missing. Research to uncover the processes and mechanisms whereby world cultural norms spread and evolve would

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have at least two effects. The first would be to enrich the institutionalist argument. Such research would open up a more truly dialectical relationship between agency and structure and enable more persuasive accounts of the origins and dynamics of the world cultural structure. Detailed case studies about the mechanisms by which cultural norms evolve and spread are also likely to call into question the cognitive basis of institutionalist theory. Institutionalists ground their arguments about the ways in which culture operates in social psychology. Meyer credits Erving Goffman, Guy Swanson, and C. Wright Mills with providing a connection between this social psychological literature and institutions. Detailed examination of cases of spreading Western culture is likely to reveal that its triumph is not due only or even primarily to cognition. The picture painted by institutionalist studies is one in which world culture marches effortlessly and facelessly across the globe. Little attention is paid either to contestation or coercion. To any political scientist (or historian) an account of the rise of the modern state in the West and its expansion across Africa, Asia, and the Americas that omits conflict, violence, and leadership is grossly incomplete. Similarly, the implication that human rights or citizen rights or even market economies become established and spread in a peaceful, orderly fashion through cognition alone is untenable to anyone who has detailed knowledge of cases. The lack of case study analysis or on-the-ground investigation of the mechanisms whereby world culture produces isomorphism obscures the roles of politics and power in world history and normative change. The cognitive processes to which institutionalists point are important, but they are by no means the only processes at work in international life. Destroying cultural competitors, both figuratively and literally, is a timehonored way of establishing cultural dominance. Treatment of the native populations in North America is one example. Attempts at ethnic cleansing in Nazi Germany, Bosnia, Rwanda, and elsewhere are another. Cultural rules are often established not by persuasion or cognitive processes of institutionalization but by force and fiat. Over time, cultural norms established by force indeed may become institutionalized in the sense that they come to have a "taken-for-granted" quality that shapes action in the ways institutionalists describe. But emphasizing the institutionalized quality of sovereignty, for example, and its effects in world politics

should not obscure the role played by force and coercion in imposing sovereignty rules and in arbitering their ongoing evolution. One instance where force and military power may be particularly important to institutionalist concerns involves the Reformation and eventual Protestant domination of the West. Institutionalists trace their Western cultural norms back to medieval Christendom without a word about the Reformation or Protestantism's effect on these cultural rules. This is a startling omission given the intellectual debt these scholars owe Max Weber. Many of the cultural rules institutionalists emphasize - individualism and markets, for example arguably have strong ties to Protestantism specifically, not Christianity generally. One could argue that the Western culture that is expanding across the globe is really a Protestant culture. Protestantism did not come to dominate Europe through cognition and persuasion alone, as centuries of religious wars make clear. Western culture may look the ways it does because of three centuries of Anglo-American (i.e., Protestant) power and domination of the West, domination that was secured through repeated military conquest of France. The second feature of institutionalist research that should concern political scientists is their specification of the content of world culture. Institutionalists focus on Western rationality as the means to both progress and equality. Progress is defined as wealth accumulation, justice is defined as equality, and rational means, in institutionalist research, are usually bureaucracies and markets. Institutionalists tend to treat these elements of Western modernity as at least loosely compatible. Equality, in the form of individual rights, expands together with markets and bureaucracies across the globe, and institutionalist research documents the collective and interrelated spread of these cultural norms. The implication, which will be suspect to all political scientists, is that all "good" things (in the Western cultural frame) can and do go together. Institutionalists may not intend this implication, but both their research and their theorizing consistently underscore the mutually reinforcing nature of these Western cultural rules. In fact, there are good reasons to believe that the elements of world culture, even as the institutionalists have specified it, contain deep tensions and contradictions that constrain isomorphism and limit the stability

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of behavioral convergence. Most obvious is the tension between the two "ends" of Western world culture progress, defined as economic accumulation, and justice, defined as equality. The trade-off between equity and growth in development economics is well-known. In making decisions about economic policies, the two pillars of the normative structure often pull in opposite directions. Partisans of redistributionist policies have invoked equality norms in their defense. Those pushing for more and faster growth will evoke progress norms. Policymakers often have to make explicit and controversial trade-offs between the two. Similarly, the two rational means to justice and progress - markets and bureaucracies - may be in tension. Market arrangements may be justified normatively by their efficient contributions to progress (wealth accumulation) and by equality defined as opportunity or access, but they often create outcomes that offend other definitions of equality, notably equality of outcomes. Markets tend to produce unequal distributional outcomes. The common solution is to bring in bureaucracy, in the form of the state, to remedy the equality offenses of markets. However bureaucracies may compromise the efficiency of markets and so compromise progress. Again, progress (wealth) conflicts with justice (equality). And, again, no obvious or equilibrium set of arrangements can resolve this. Contradictions among dominant cultural norms mean that social institutions are continually being contested, albeit to varying degrees at different times. Unresolved normative tensions in a set of social compromises at one time may be the mobilizing basis for attacks on that set of social arrangements later as people articulate normative claims that earlier were pushed aside. Further, compromises among competing world normative principles may be contingent on local circumstances and personalities and are likely to reflect local norms and customs with which international norms have had to compromise. Thus, after World War II Japan was forced (note the process was not cognitive) to accept a set of Western economic and political arrangements that had been forged elsewhere, in the United States. Over time, those arrangements became institutionalized in Japan but in unique ways that reflected non-Western local cultural norms. The subsequent success of Japan in Western terms (a great deal of economic accumulation with relative equality) has prompted Western firms and Asian states to adopt

a number of Japanese practices, policies, and norms. This kind of cultural feedback, from periphery to core, is neglected by the unidirectional institutionalist model. These contestation processes for normative dominance are political. In fact, normative contestation is in large part what politics is all about; it is about competing values and understandings of what is good, desirable, and appropriate in our collective communal life. Debates about civil rights, affirmative action, social safety nets, regulation and deregulation, and the appropriate degree of government intrusion into the lives of citizens are all debates precisely because there is no clear stable normative solution. Further, they are all debates involving conflict among the basic normative goods identified by the institutionalists. Civil rights, affirmative action, and to some extent social safety nets are debates about the nature of equality - who attains equality and how that equality is measured. Since the solutions all involve bureaucratic intervention, these debates are also about the relationship of bureaucracies and the state to equality. Debates about social safety nets raise specific issues about the relationship between bureaucracies and markets and the degree to which the latter may be compromised by the former in the service of equality. Debates over regulation and government intrusion are both about the degree to which bureaucracy can compromise markets, on the one hand, or equality and individual rights that derive from equality, on the other. If one takes seriously the tensions and contradictions among elements of culture, research must focus on politics and process. If cultural elements stand in paradoxical relations such that equilibrium arrangements are limited or constrained, the interesting questions become, which arrangements are adopted where - and why? Institutionalists may be right. Common global norms may create similar structures and push both people and states toward similar behavior at given times, but if the body of international norms is not completely congruent, then those isomorphisms will not be stable. Further, people may adopt similar organizational forms but show little similarity in behavior beyond that. Botswana and the United States may both be organized in the form of a modern state, but the content of those forms and the behavior within them are very different. Isomorphism is not homogeneity; it does not create identical behavioral outcomes. Without a specification of culture that

Martha Finnemore

attends to oppositions within the overall structure, institutionalists will not be able to account for either diversity or change in that structure.

Conclusions Institutionalist arguments emphasize structure at the expense of agency. Doing so has important intellectual benefits. It allows institutionalists to ask questions about features of social and political life that other perspectives take for granted - ubiquitous sovereign statehood and expanding claims by individuals, for example. Further, from an IR theory perspective, institutionalists' emphasis on structure allows for system-level explanations that compete with other dominant paradigms and so enrich the body of theory available to tackle puzzles in the field. If the neglect of agency were only an omission, there would be little cause for concern. No theory explains everything. One can always explain a few more data points by adding a few more variables and increasing the complexity of the model. But the institutionalists' inattention to agency leads them into more serious errors. It leads them to misspecify both the mechanisms by which social structure produces change and the content of the social structure itself. Cognitive processes may dominate organizational change in many empirical domains, but they compete with and often are eclipsed by coercion in many of the empirical domains that concern IR scholars. Educational curricula may change in peaceful ways driven by cognitive decision-making processes; state authority structures often do not. Violence is a fundamentally different mechanism of change than cognition. Both mechanisms may operate in a given situation. Often there are choices to be made even within the constraints imposed by force, but outcomes imposed externally through violence are not captured by a cognitive theoretical framework. Institutionalists are not alone in this tendency to overlook power and coercion in explaining organizational outcomes. Much of organization theory shares this characteristic. Terry Moe has noted the failure of the new economics of organization to incorporate considerations of power, but even Moe, a political scientist, is not particularly concerned with issues of

violence since these occur rarely in his own empirical domain - US bureaucracy. Institutionalist models imply a world social structure made up of norms that are largely congruent. Their emphasis is on the mutually reinforcing and expansive nature of these norms. They stress the consensus that arises around various cultural models of citizenship, of statehood, of education, of individual rights - to the point that these norms and institutions are taken for granted in contemporary life. The implication is that the spread of world culture is relatively peaceful. Institutionalists specify no sources of instability, conflict, or opposition to the progressive expansion of world culture. Yasemin Soysal's work is perhaps the most attuned to contradictions among the cultural elements of citizenship she studies. However, even in her work these contradictions result only in paradoxical arrangements with which people seem to live reasonably peacefully. The result of this specification is that all of politics becomes problematic in an institutionalist framework. If the world culture they specify is so powerful and congruent, the institutionalists have no grounds for explaining value conflicts or normative contestation in other words, politics. A research design that attended to agency and the processes whereby isomorphic effects are produced would have prevented institutionalists from falling into this trap. Focusing more closely on process would draw attention to the contradictions among normative claims and force institutionalists to rethink both the specification of world culture and its likely effects. These problematic features of institutionalist theory lie squarely on the turf of political scientists. Politics and process, coercion and violence, value conflict and normative contestation are our business. Institutionalism would benefit greatly from a dialogue with political scientists. Likewise, political scientists could learn a great deal from institutionalists. Thus far, IR scholars interested in norms have lacked a substantive systemic theory from which to hypothesize and carry out research. Institutionalism provides this. Taking its claims seriously may produce radical revisions to the existing sociologists' theories. It may also produce opposing theoretical arguments. Either outcome would advance research in both disciplines and enrich our understanding of world politics.

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1999: 456-76. © 1999 by Routledge. Reprinted with permission from Taylor & Francis Group. Keith Nurse. "Globalization and Trinidad Carnival: Diaspora, Hybridity and Identity in Global Culture." Cultural Studies 13, 4, 1999: 661-90. © 1999 by Routledge. Reprinted with permission from Taylor 8c Francis Group, William H. Thornton. "Mapping the 'Glocal' Village: the Political Limits of 'Glocalization'." Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies 14, 1, 2000: 78-89. © 2000 by Routledge. Reprinted with permission from Taylor 8c Francis Group, George Ritzer. "Rethinking Globalization: Glocalization/ Grobalization and Something/Nothing." Sociological Theory 21, 3, 2003: 193-209. © 2003, American Sociological Association. Reprinted with permission of the publisher. Douglas Kellner. "Dialectics of Something and Nothing: Critical Reflections on Ritzer's Globalization Analysis." Critical Perspectives on International Business 1,4,2005: 263-72. © 2005, Emerald Group Publishing Limited. All rights reserved. Reprinted by permission. George Ritzer. "An Introduction to McDonaldization." In The McDonaldization of Society 5th edn. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press, 2008: chapter 1. © 2008 by Sage Publications, Inc. Books. Reproduced with permission of Sage Publications, Inc. Books in the format Textbook via Copyright Clearance Center. Malcolm Waters. "McDonaldization and the Global Culture of Consumption." Sociale Wetenschappen 39, 1996:17-28. Bryan S. Turner. "The McDonald's Mosaic: Glocalization and Diversity." American Behavioral Scientist 47, 2, 2003: 137-53. © 2003 by Sage Publications, Inc. Journals. Reproduced with permission of Sage Publications, Inc. Journals in the format Textbook via Copyright Clearance Center. James L. Watson, "Transnationalism, Localization, and Fast Foods in East Asia." In J. L. Watson ed. Golden Arches East: McDonald's in East Asia. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997. © 1997, 2006 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. All rights reserved. Used with the permission of Stanford University Press, Alan Bryman. "Global Implications of McDonaldization and Disneyization." American Behavioral Scientist 47, 2, 2003: 154-67. © 2003 by Sage Publications, Inc. Journals. Reproduced with permission of Sage

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Frank J. Lechner and John Boli. World Culture: Origins and Consequences. Maiden, MA: Blackwell, 2005. © 2005 by Frank J. Lechner and John Boli. Martha Finnemore. "Norms, Culture, and World Politics: Insights from Sociology's Institutionalism." International Organization 50,2, Spring 1996: 325-47.

Abdel-Malek, A. 327 Abkhazians 2 9 3 - 4 aboriginal peoples 278 Abouharb, M. Rodwan 118,138-46 absolutism 200,208 religious 305 Abu Dhabi 109 Abu-Lughod, Lila 341,342 accidents 266,267 prospect/possibility of278,280 accommodation and dislocation 277 accountability 77, 78,85,137,165, 297 concern for 296 economic 126 elected leaders to constituents 133 insistence on 155 accountancy 96 Ace Hardware 383 acid rain 164 Acocella, Joan 46n Act of Settlement (1701)87 activism 69,87,132 cross-border 138 ethnic-based 15 global justice 131 social 142 transnational 133 adaptability 350 adaptation 396,402 adverse publicity 358 advertising 183,186,193,195,298-9, 312,368,392 captains of consciousness 194 exclusive rights 358 public interest advocacy 187 advertising agencies 186 transnational/international 211, 313-14

advocacy groups 6,416 cross-border 5,15 transnational networks 5,138 aerospace industry 185 Aeschylus 48, 55,56 affirmative action 39,423 Afghanistan 70,269,303 call for military occupation of 234 McDonald's in 395 Northern Alliance in 304 Russian invasion 304 US support for "freedom fighters" 233 AFL (American Federation of Labor) 189 Africa 9,59,64,65,76,104,189,216, 234-41,291,344,357 anti-colonial négritude formation 352 colonial system 322 contemporary cinema 66 corrupt leadership 118 dealings with international organizations 412 debt problem 163 European and Afro-New World conceptions of 340 fast-food restaurants 314 free markets 78 global capital flows 275 global stock market capitalization 275 IMF measures and 150-6 impact of IMF conditionalities 330 indigenous languages 41 Islam's borders in 310 nationalism important in 418 rise of the state and its expansion across 422 spread of AIDS 164

tensions among primordial groups 159 terrorist organizations 266-7 Western conceptions of 61 women who found asylum in France 194 see also East Africa; North Africa; Northeast Africa; sub-Saharan Africa; West Africa; also under various country names, e.g. Angola; Chad; Congo; Egypt; Kenya; Lesotho; Libya; Malawi; Nigeria; South Africa; Sudan; Zaire; Zanzibar; Zimbabwe African Americans 194,326,327,349 African civilization 21,24,29 non-Islamic 310 Africanization 323 Afro-Creole celebratory traditions 356 Agamben, Giorgio 113,115-16 agency 14,15,16,88,328 crisis for 227 human, eradication of245,253-4 imputation to things 255 mimicry as 63 structure versus 253,422 agrarian interests/disturbances 91, 209 agriculture 87,161 capitalist 207 dynamic division of labor between industry and 201 prime site of globalization 315 terms of trade turned against 154 transition to manufacturing 82 agrobusiness 201,271 Ahmad, Aijaz 65 AIDS pandemic see HIV/AIDS air pollution 163,177,260,264 airlines 185,374


Ajami, Fouad 39,40-1 Albania 26,137 al-Banna, Sheikh Hassan 302 Albright, Madeleine 306 Albrow, Martin 4,12,14 alchemists 263 alcohol 395,401 Alexandrian empire 281 alienation 222,309,341,391 condition tantamount to 328 contemporary labor 374 Marx's analysis of 374,379 young men 302 al-Jazeera TV 304 allegiances parochial 160 primordial 160 subnational 159,160 supranational 159 transnational 159 Allen, Woody 385 Allende, Salvador 102, 110 al-Qaeda 233 Asian or African members 266 alterity59,61 Althusser, Louis 238 82 ambivalence 45,255,267,289,298, 326 chronic 63,65 humanitarian agenda 237 radical 238 resistance and 61-3 AmCham 189 American Civil Liberties Union 302 American Civil War (1861-5) 301 American civilization 26 American Empire 52,234 see also US imperialism American films 292 American Philosophical Society 22n American welfare reform (1996) 176 Americanization 130,194,269,289, 292,317,373,395,401,414,417 emphasis on the role of 362 thinly veiled attacks on 187 US hegemony delivers 313 Americanness 390 Americans 40

Amnesty International 238 Appadurai, Arjun 14-15,354,359, Amsterdam 187,319,326,398 382,390,400,405,415,417 falafel eateries 404 Appiah, Kwame Anthony 340 analytic-empirical cosmopolitanism Apple Computer 81 262 appreciation 121,125 anarchism/ anarchy 21,97,295 Aquinas, St Thomas 55 evils flowing from 33 Arab-Israeli war/conflict 104,233 Anatolia 349 Arab world 16,25,40,298,345 ANC (African National Congress) America's relations with sections of 294 30 Heroes Day for 329 counter-threat of US intervention Ang, Ien 193-4 on 266 Anglicization 60,63 cultural features 23 Anglo-American power 422 inherently allergic to democracy 67 Angola 233 "McDonald's of" 383 Angst 264 neo-patriarchical society in 327 Anikulapo-Kuti, Fela 323 outrage of clerics 352 animists 26,310 perception of 53 Ankara 395 political reactions and violence Annan, Kofi 76,306 against migrants 26 anthropology 263,320,322,324,325, reluctance to identify self when 397,416 among Westerners 3 5 3 - 4 critical 312 struggle between Zionism and 53 cultural relativism 311 terroristic 54 transnational 3 2 4 - 6 young Maronites' perspective on anti-Americanism 378 355 anti-colonial struggle 302 Arabic language 16,353,395-6 Anti-Corn Law Bill (UK 1846) 88 Arendt, Hannah 281 anti-fascist partisans 222 Argentina 73,105,128,146-7 anti-globalization activists/protest firms and labor unions 10 movements 268,272,305,378 McDonald's in 383 anti-hybridity backlash 347-51 military takeover 105 anti-Iraq coalition 38 telenovelas 377 anti-liberal conspiracy 91,92,93 aristocracy 200,317,331,349,350 anti-miscegenation statutes 349 waning 348 Antipodes 30 armed deserters 222 anti-reductionism 361 Armenians 25,26 anti-Semitism 54,350,371 arms flows 310 back with a vengeance 294 arms race 39 anti-slavery campaigns 238 Arnold, David 61 anti-sweatshop movement 132,138 Arnold, Matthew 52,101 anti-syncretism 326 Arnold, Thurman 93 Anzaldua, Gloria 328 Aronowitz, Stanley 216,240-1 apartheid 317 arranged marriages 302 demise of 292 arsenic 279 emergence from 294 Aryan thesis 349 APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic ASEAN (Association of Southeast Cooperation) 173, 174, 197, Asian Nations) 169,197 330 ASEM mall 395


Asia 189,291,311,344,357 adoption of Japanese practices, policies and norms 423 consequences for the character of capitalisms between Europe and 312 demand for coffee 395 diversifying markets 395 fast-food restaurants 314 FDI stock 169 fusion 318,349 global capital flows 275 intra-regional trade 169-70 Islam's borders in 310 McDonald's in 381,396 nationalism important in 418 panic associated with SARS outbreak 277 particularism of most societies 310 policy autonomy and discretionary state maneuverability 274 rise of the state and its expansion across 422 spread of AIDS 164 tensions among primordial groups 159 terrorist organizations 266-7 see also APEC; ASEAN; Central Asia; East Asia; South Asia; Southeast Asia Asia-Pacific 244 Asian Americans 39 Asian financial/economic crisis (1997-8) 111, 119,157,263 Asian tigers 119,312 Asianization 24 assassins 290,295 assembly-line labor 374 assimilation 39,137,293,328,352, 367 politics of 317 Atari Corporation 82 Athens 291,316 Atlanta 341 Atlantic alliance 22 Atlantic Monthly 2%% ATMs (automatic teller machines) 367,371,372 atomic bombs 272

Auge, Marc 363 Augustine, St 220,362 Aum Shinrikyo 257 Australia 64,65 catastrophes 278 efforts in seeking to establish APEC 174 investment as a percentage of GDP 170 McDonald's in 381,394,396 repudiation of social-democratic forms of governance 276 savings 170 state institutions acting as "midwives" 274 US-based corporations challenged by others based in 212 Australian Broadcasting Corporation 237 Austria Church and militant supporters 93 factory inspection 92 fascism 99 investment as a percentage of GDP 170 populist, far-right parties 178 savings 170 workmen's compensation 92 autarky 291 authenticity 312,327,331 demands for 392 lost 404 search for 391 authoritarianism 40,110 auto industry 186 conglomerates 211 autocratic European empires 292 avian influenza 178 aviation security 268 Ayodhya mosque destruction (1992) 26 Azerbaijan 25,29,41 Babb, Sarah 117,127-38 Babelization41 Baby Milk Action 187 bagels 319,320,326,331,395 Bahamas 344,356

Baker, Dean 15,149 Baker, Houston 328 Bakhtin, Mikhail 324-5,328 balance of payments adverse effects of budget deficits on 153,154 chronic problems 151 temporary problems 120 vulnerability to crises 132 balance of power 184 political left-right 10 balance sheets 155 negatively affected 121 balanced budget 140 Baldwin, Robert E. 11 Balfour, Arthur 56,67,68,69 Balibar, Etienne 341 balkanization 338 Balkans 27,29 Ball, George 292 Balzac, Honore de 52 Bangkok 101 Bangladesh 298 Bank Act (1844) 88 bank failures 163 bankruptcy 83,136 labor markets strained by 135 legislation 129,130 Bantu philosophy 322 barbarians 312,348 new 222,223 Barber, Benjamin R. 160,288-302, 303,304,305-6,317,338,378 Barcelona 404 bargaining power 131 lack of 138 Barings 162 Barkawi, Tarak 215,216n, 228-34 Barnes and Noble 82 Barros, Ricardo Paes de 121 Barrow-in-Furness carnival 357 Bartelson, Jens 231 Bartley, Robert 41 Basel 103, 162 Basques/Basque country 6,178 separatists 288,293 Bateson, Gregory 327 Bath & Body Works 384 Baudrillard, Jean 351,353,376


BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) 291,358 Beck, Ulrich 260,261,262n, 263-85, 286 Beijing 383,397 Beirut 47,383 Beland, Daniel 158n, 175-9 Belgian Congo 232 Belgium 159,178,322 Bell, Daniel 9 Bello, Ahmadu 323 helium justum see just war Belo Horizonte314 Ben Jalloun, Tahar 351 Benedict, Ruth 311,324 Benetton 366,400 Bengali masculinities 60-1 Bennett, Louise 346n, 356 Bentham, Jeremy 87, 88,89 Berger, Peter L. 416 Berlin mixed lifestyles among Turks in 350 Stalinist regime overturned (1989) 294 Berlin Wall fall 75,78,222 events surrounding 277 Berlinguer, M. 104 Bernal, Martin 61 Berube, Michael 328 Bessarabian Ukraine 293 best practices 191 Bettelheim, Judith 357 Beverly Hills 90210 (TV series) 353 Bhabha, Homi 46n, 5 7 , 6 1 - 2 , 6 3 , 6 5 , 324,328 Bharatiya Janata Party 290 Bhutan 349 Bible 43,48,263,303 biculturalism 311 big business governments and 188 lobbies 165 pirating as 376 Big Mac 300,384 Big Push 79-80,85 bilateralism 174 trade negotiations 124 Bilderberg Group 189

bilingualism311 Bill of Rights 98 Billington, Michael 341 billionaires (US dollar) 122 Bills, Scott 231 biological material 158 biology 312,327 biopolitical production 218,225 biopolitical technicians 238 bird flu 178 Birmingham (UK) 92,93,357 BIS (Bank for International Settlements) 103,162,197 Bismarck, Otto von 92 BISNIS (Business Information Service for the Newly Independent States) 189 bistros 299,300 Black Atlantic concept 356,360 black market rates 154 black people American 39 Christian 26 cultural characteristics 327 women 194 blackness 358 Blair, Tony 105 blame 279 blitzkrieg 295 Blockbuster 383 bloody borders Islam 27,310 West 312 blue laws 291 Body Shop 383,400 Boli, John 408,409,410-21 Bolivia 131 Bollywood 415 bombs 293 bond markets 140,170 booms 164 Boorstin, Daniel J. 193 Boot, Max 234 border control 137 border-crossing 350-1 borderlessness 235 Borders (bookstore) 82 Bosnia 26,232,422 Boston 187

Boulainvilliers, Henri, Comte de 348 Boulding, Elise 159 boundary fetishism 347,348,351 Bourdieu, Pierre 67,68,351 bourgeoisie 60,208,236 corrupt customs 393 global 183 hegemonic 348,349 mésalliance despised by 350 restructuring of 135 transnational 196,331 Boyne,Roy212 Bracken, Harry 52 Brahmins 349 brand-name products 194,292,376, 404 dominance of 82 flagship 403 global status 211,373,400 Braudel, Fernand 35, 36 Braudel Center 212 Braverman, Harry 374 Brazil 212,330 banks 211 farmers want to be part of twentieth century 292 fast-food restaurants 384 financial crisis 122 Global Forum (1992) 340 hybrid culture 349 McDonald's in 383 peasants and workers 209 samba 344,357 telenovelas 377 weakened currency 202 Brecht, Bertolt 70 Breckenridge, Carol A. 59 Breidenbach, Joana 415-16 Bremer, Paul 101,102,103 Brenner, Robert 236 Bretons 417 Bretton Woods 70,103,104,120, 171,202,265 bricolage 324,348,420 Britain 43,48,65,96,160,344 arguments prior to war with Iraq (2003) 158 BSE crisis 278 class system 281


collaboration between US federal agencies and 178 Conservative and Liberal cabinets 93 control of Suez Canal 44 cultural studies 375 domestic, foreign, security and defense policies 268 English challenged as the dominant language 15 FDI stock 169 financial regulation and control 163 fiscal crisis and IMF bailout (1975-6) 104 GDP per capita 172 global issues effectively settled by US, France and 27 government spending 273 imperial tradition 110,185 indifference of governments to acid rain 164 intelligence reports 109 labor unity 189 Left acquiring state power 105 literary studies as a university subject 60 McDonald's in 383 monetary orthodoxy 90 national income 106 nineteenth-century hegemonic model 201 Orientalism 47,48 overseas carnivals 357 pub-closing paternalism 291 repudiation of social-democratic forms of governance 276 sandwich shops 384 sociology of 210 state institutions acting as "midwives" 274 state ownership of key sectors 104 tax 169,273 think-tanks 108 Victorian 60,92 British East India Company 298 British Empire 52,68,161,234,269 latter days of waning power 310-11

British Petroleum 82 Brook, Peter 326 Brown, Chris 22,36-7 Brown, Nicholas 226—8 Bryman, Alan 381,399-402 BSE (bovine spongiform encephalitis) 178,278 bubonic plague 277 Buddhism 26,27,29,310,398 fundamentalist 24 imperatives apply impartially to 293 remade 287 Sinhala349 budget deficits 74,122,155,177 adverse effects of 153,154 large 151 budgets austerity 109 balanced 90 expenditures 122 Bulgaria 25,296 Bull, Hedley231 bureaucracy 371,424 dysfunctions of 390 bureaucratic firms 13 7 bureaucratization 313 Burger King 314,403,404 Burger Ranch 403,405 Burke, Edmund 85,87 Burma 27 Burundi 83 Bush administrations 70,101,106, 112,164,178,266,267,268,269, 306 reaction to militarist unilateralism 378 Business Week 210 Cairo 189 calculability 374,380,385-6,388 Calhoun, Craig 262,285-7 California 81,323 ethnic supermarkets 335 calypso 345,356 Cambodia 231 Cambridge (UK) 187 Camp Keith, Linda 144,145 Canada 64,159,298

BSE crisis 278 damage to forests 164 ecological catastrophe of cod crisis 278 economic integration promoted 175 Edmonton Mall 376 government spending 273 intra-regional trade 169 McDonald's in 383 Meech Lake protocols 294 tax 169,273 Candomblé 328 Cannes film festival (1991) 292 Cantalupo, James 397 Cape Verde 138 capital 218,230 circulation of 275 class compromise between labor and 103-4 counter-mobilization against constraints of social protectionism 200 driving forward 230 fetter on 236 financial 102 global 115,188,196,211,242 imperialism and 229 labor exploited by 224 lending to foreign governments 110 loan and equity 170 Marx's theory of 198,375 merchant wealth crystallized into 200 migrations that are necessary to 224 political counter-mobilization 199 price of 167,170 protests against global institutions of 228 rates of return 109,111 restructuring of 123 short-term 280 social relations of 230 transformed as labor 255 transnational 180 trend toward reduced taxes on 131 wealth reappropriated from 226


capital (cont'd) will to escape the yoke of 241 see also cultural capital; foreign capital; human capital; social capital; also under following headings prefixed "capital" capital account liberalization 125,275 capital accumulation 104,114,161, 196,200 capitalist world-economy essentially rewards 207 class relations embedded in 197 crisis of 105 revived 106 state decisions on 107 successful pattern of 180 capital-adequacy rules 162 capital flight 121,130,261,275 jobs created in EPZs maybe vulnerable to 136 threat of 133 capital flows 103,167,168,276 dependency on 125 international/global 122,170,275 liberalization of 120 openness to 122 porosity of state boundaries with respect to 104 propensity to concentrate 275 capital markets 140 capital mobility 10,13,104,138, 168-9,272,274,400 almost-instant 163 dispersal to cost-efficient havens 275 fewer barriers on 129 international 276 less than anticipated 170 short-term 162 systemic fiscal crisis 274 capital scarcity 261,275 capital stock 79 capitalism 21,45,92,93,102,119, 133,162,164,236,255,330,359 ability to flourish 206 absence of historical theory of 198 advanced 301 advanced countries 104,105,108, 111

aesthetic case against 297 and communism 312 borderless 15 collective 253,254 consequences for the character of 312 critics of 30 democratic 291,301 different kinds of 30 digital 374 discomfort with 300 distorted, dependent 327 diversity and 314-15 emergence of 200 essence of 254 expanding cycles of development 219 failed 103 financing and profiting from wars 304 globalization problematized as relation immanent in 199 "golden age" of 299 historical forms of 196,359 icons of American culture 390 imposed from the outside 269 informational 244,254 interconnections between Europe, imperialism and 229 internationalization of 69 liberal 300,301 Marx's account of 379 McWorld culture enmeshed in 289 national styles of 188 neo-Marxian analysis of 183 noncitizens excluded from benefits of development 113 organizing principle of 199 political history of 199 political relations of 196 pushing forward against its will 235 regulatory 117,130 relationship of democracy and 292 resistances to 185 restructuring of 257 secular developments in productive forces of 200 sixteenth-century expansion of 5

socioeconomic restructuring of 248 third way between socialism and 295 transition from feudalism to 58,65 transnational 20,314 uneven development of 196 unprecedented developments associated with advent of 73 unregulated 288,306 varieties of 10,171 wild 289,306 world-systemic 337,359,414,418 worldwide spread of 313 see also global capitalism; TCC capitalization 275 Caracazo 140 carbon dioxide 163 Caribana (festival) 357,358 Caribbean 128,201 Anglophone 23 creolization 318,320,326,349 global capital flows 275 overseas carnivals 344,345,356-9 rise in nationalism 357 social consequences of structural adjustment 117 syncretism 318 US called to police 311 see also Dominican Republic; Haiti; Jamaica; Trinidad caricatures 369 Carlyle, Thomas 52 Carmody, Pâdraig 117,118n, 119-27 Carnegie Endowment 132,135 carnivals 2 5 6 - 9 , 3 4 4 - 5 , 3 5 6 - 9 Carr, E. H. 230 Carrillo, S. 104 cars 163,185,193 rental industry 186 Carter, Jimmy 108,109,233 casino capitalism 170,245 caste system 317 Castells, Manuel 4,9,68,175,244, 245,246-52,253-9 Castro, Fidel 387 Catalans/Catalonia 6,293,298 catalytic states 158,172,173,174


Catholics/Catholicism 27,41,92,93, 228 imperatives apply impartially to 293 monarchy 418 Northern Ireland 288, 293 politics and 296 saints 328,330 West African deities merged with saints 326 Cato Institute 131 Caucasus 25,26 struggle for geostrategic advantage in 30 Caux Round Table 189 censorship 289 Center for Economic and Policy Research (US) 149 center-periphery relations 324,325, 329,345,356,359,423 Central America see Latin America Central and Eastern Europe 119,232, 296,383 anxiety of new rulers 295 collapse of communism 190 conflagrations 159 dissident movements 101 end of ideologically defined states 25 inclusion in the West 310 mass exodus of highly trained workers 222 massive privatization wave 148 renationalization or re-ethnification trend 282 revolutions 291,294 social inequality 106 WFTU membership 189 Central Asia 9, 27 struggle for geostrategic advantage in 30 tense relations between Russians and Muslims 26 central banks 12,97,108-9,200 anti-inflationary fiscal responsibility 108 changing legislation 129,135 IMF funds used to pay off obligations 123

Central Leather 82 central planning 72,75 centralization 97,107 centralized control 369 Certeau, Michel de 351,367 CFC (chlorofluorocarbon) gases 163 Chad 26 Chamberlain, Houston Stewart 348 Chamberlain, Joseph 92 Chambers, Iain 61 Chambers of Commerce 189 Chanel 376 charities 394 Chase-Dunn, Christopher 212 Chateaubriand, F. R., Vicomte de 47 Chatterjee, P. 66 chauvinism 68,349 nationalistic 378 overtones of 312 Chavez, Hugo 140 Cheesecake Factory 370 chemical plants 164,165 chemical material 158 Chernobyl disaster (1986) 263,268, 271,272,400 Chevrolet 299 Chicago 101,386 child labor 131,132,150 Chile 105,149 coup (1973) 102 economic liberalization 106,121, 135 junta-run, free market in 292 revival of economy 103 US-sponsored covert operations in 233 see also Allende; Pinochet Chimney-Sweeper's Act (1863) 92 China 47,169,218,291,296,375 America's relations with 30 banks 211 "Chinglish" or "Chamerican" restaurants 314 Coca-Cola introduced to 398 Communist Party 394 Confucian ethic 312 cultural features of communities 23 cultural politics of transnationalism 230

deficit financing 74 economic growth 134,141 economic inequality rapid increase avoided 141 exchanges of military technology between Pakistan and 310 global capital flows heading for 275 Great Power role 38 IKEA in 387 income inequalities and wealth 106 Islam in 310 Israel's arms sales to 310 jobs relocated to 136 labor unity 189 liberalization path 103 market communism 40 McDonald's in 383,384,387,394, 397,399 middle kingdom 349 military relations between Iran and 310 movement away from central planning towards markets 75 Pizza Huts in 383 pollution danger 164 poverty reduction 141 recurrent state disintegration 33 souvenirs made in 368 special economic zones/administrative regions 74 territorial disputes with neighbors 26 threat of anarchy 33 Tiananmen Square 101 China Sea 311 Chinese civilization 310 Chinese language 16,41 choices 16,37,98,192,208,272,282, 286,305,392 audience tastes and 352 autonomous 31 calculative 113 coerced 284 conscious 144,284 difficult 33 economic 277 hasty 300 institutional 277


choices (cont'd) market-driven 114 policy 166 political 277 rampant and unfettered 301 real/genuine 300 societal 143 structural process independent of specific acts of 67 voluntary 284 see also freedom of choice; individual choice Chomsky, Noam 255 Chou, Silas 187 Christendom 392 medieval 413,422 Christian civilization 310 Christian fundamentalism 24,162, 289,303 radical 302 Christianity/Christians 354,392,398 democratic states 103 discovery of individual uniqueness 100 ethos 60 evangelical 112 families who home-school their children 305 first generation of converts 323 global claims and pretensions 5 icons of 330 Mediterranean world 36 Orthodox/Eastern 25,26,27,30 parochial in many modern incarnations 294 remade 287 rise of 228 spread of 26 writers 69 see also Catholics; Maronites; Protestants Christmas 317,369 Church 93,350,374 separation of State and 27,270 CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) 102,110,221 strong reliance of US on 178 Cicero 70 Cingranelli, David L. 118,138-46

CIO (US Congress of Industrial Organizations) 189 CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) 16,106 Citibank 109 citizenship 61,160,294,424 civil 130,131 democratic, liberalism of 12 extended to all 225 full rights of 224 global 15,224,240 legal status rooted in nation-state 114 neoliberal view of 112 normalized 115 primitive, narrow vision of 112 social 114,117-18,130-1 states that take it seriously 216,239 survival for those bereft of 116 unsettling established practices of 113 world 283,287 Citroen 299 Civicus 306 civil airline industry 185 civil liberties 141 defender of 111 restricted 267 civil rights 111, 112,216,256,423 classical cornerstones of 239 civil service 61 salaries 124,154 civil society 50,76,289,296 global 306,329 legitimacy and 268 paeans to 300 reconstitution of 166 terrorist groups competing with 267 civil war 139,151,221 religious 270 violence of 301 civilization-consciousness 24,25 clash of civilizations 2 1 , 2 2 , 2 3 - 8 , 3 6 , 37,38,40,42,301,309-13,317, 332,361 encouraged 39 global utopias and 29-33 possibility of 410

class 59,66,122,165,208,230,254, 348,356 boundaries not made explicit 207 definitions of 258 gendered processes connected to restructuring 123 impacts related to 118 interplay of gender, ethnicity and 61 sociopolitical and cultural conflicts based on 359 structural adjustment has increased inequality 136 thinking about 317 transcultural affinities 331 transformations in structures 128, 133-6 transnational coalitions/affinities 126,331 see also bourgeoisie; middle class; TCC; upper class; working class class difference 258 class struggle 192 powerful form of 222 clientelist power structures 163 climatic consequences 163 Clinton, Bill 105,298,369 closure 317 CNN (Cable News Network) 291, 292,341,342,377 coal 92,164 Coalition Provisional Authority (Iraq) 101,102 coalitions anti-Iraq 38 international/inter-state 174 public-private 174 regional 173,174 transnational 126 Coca-Cola 82,211,288,292,298, 299,300,358,371,400,403,406 Classic Coke 376 consumed at special events 3 9 8 - 9 global sale of 366 struggles on behalf of workers 187 Coca-Colanization 414,415,417 Cody, Edward 74n coercion 103,141,163,207 legal instruments of 220


coffee 383,395 cognition 424 cohabitation 317 Coke see Coca-Cola Cold War 25,38,40,101,103,292, 298,312 dialectics of 310 divisions 23 ideological enmities 22 program to counteract left-wing tendencies 102 sustaining ideological enmities vanished 30 terror threatened during 278 US policy in Third World 232 collage 319,324,327 collateral damage 33 collective action 75,76 communal view of 329 purposive 256 collective bargaining 104,150 collective insecurity 158,176 global disease and 178 collective responsibility 78 collectivism 75-85 Colombia 304 colonialism 20,27,40,43,44,47,200, 358,360 boundaries defined by nationstates fundamental to 217 cultural critique of 324 English, forked tongue of 63 Eurocentric 349 Europeanization delivered by 313 heyday of 323 parallels of 67,68 psychic and sexual dynamics of 62 realities of administration and rule 232 reverse colonization 344 spread of 278 Columbia University 328 Columbus 314 Comintern 189 comity 294 command economy 108,295 commerce 186,221,291,292 global 403-5 international 292

political and legal regulation of 200 transnational 288 commodification 73,407 labor, services and information 314 progressive 199 commodity chains 4 commodity money 96 common markets 291 Commonwealth Literature 65 communal symbolism 329 communication technologies 292 electronically based 248,249,250 communications 5,40,214,215,235, 311 advances in 137 cross-border 15 cross-cultural 318 decommodified realm of 376 global 195 interactive 250,292 intercultural 320,325,336,345, 355 international 355 open 291 communism 21,38,73,104,105,189, 242,292,392 capitalism and 312 collapse of40,75,369 efforts to find less costly and more effective ways to defeat 232-3 failed 103 ideals of loyalty and dedication 394 international, struggle against 110 Lenin and 300 Marx and 228 passing of 294 social security systems privatized 130 stopping the worldwide advance of 186 threat of insurgencies and revolution 110 communitarianism 295,297 COMPAS (Common Performance Assessment System) 77 competition 26,85,94,132,202,304, 333 economic freedom fosters 83

electoral 35 forced 272 foreign 128,129 global 30,415,419 international 162 markets can eliminate 289 mercantilistic 12 nation-state 281 public works 91 SAPs reinforce an emphasis on 125 way to foster 109 competitive advantage 125 competitive pressures 120 competitiveness 113,114,126 economic 13 export 121 national 13 see also international competitiveness comprador mentality 191 compulsory vaccination 92 computer programming languages 251 computer viruses 267 computerized services 374 concentration zones 317 conditionality41,147,148 confederal option 295-7 conflict resolution 220 confrontation 40 Confucian civilization/culture/states 21,24,27,28,38,310,312 see also Islamic-Confucian states Confucius 35 Congo 232,328,322 see also Democratic Republic of Congo Congress of Vienna (1814) 339 conservation 312 conservatism 21 American, Islam and 301-4 fiscal 166,170,274 conservative governments 13 constitutionalism 27,200 liberal 297 consumer culture 289 democratic 393 theories of the spread of 392


consumerism 20,165,298,302,313 control 309,385,380 American 289 reinforced by technologies 386 commercial 305 uniform management 313 culture symbolic of worst aspects Control Data 187 of393 convergence 3,4,9,11,16,166,174, culture-ideology of 183,193,194, 308,313,416 211 behavioral 423 global sweep of 309 cooperative 226 hedonistic 303 cultural 309,317,331,380 mass 14 evolutionary 313 modernist 394 historical 257 obvious seduction of 393 income 133-4 consumption 153,154,183,211,354, institutional 131 361,377,394,407 simplistic views about 10 active and creative uses of 376 convertibility 103 aesthetic 391 IMF insistence on 120 circuit of capital that involves 375 Cook, Captain James 5 consequenceless 240 Cooke Committee 162 conspicuous 240,397 cooperation 226,310 dedifferentiation of 402 artificial 290 defined as active mode of compromise and 302 relationships 351 economic 97 delineation of the new means of international/global 97,178,260, 373 265,268,269 dialectic of 375 new powers of 261 efficient 294 social 290,333 empty forms of 374 surveillance states threaten to use fast 396 270 fast-food model 374 copper 103 global 341,389-92 copyright laws 102 hybridity as 351-2 core-states 206,207,208 links between markets, democracy educational sector of 337 and 289 corporate taxes 109 mass 299,300,400 corporatism 21,40,104,105 new forms of 379 social democratic 10,13 reduced time between production corporeal mutations 223 and 193 corruption 118,163,299 sociology of 374 government 140 spread of particular patterns of 211 gross mismanagement largely standardized 391 from 151 television programs 345 IMF failure to vigorously condemn utilizing scarce resources for or expose 152-3 maximizing 155 inadequately treated in IMF very expensive forms of nothing programs 155 371 limiting opportunity for 141 Contagious Diseases Act (1864) 92 local taste and cuisine 395 contracts massive 151 enforcement of 131,290,291 Western consumerism 303 legal guarantees of202,220 Corsicans 6

Cosby Show, The 292 cosmopolitan states 261,269,270 cosmopolitanism 14,15 aversion to 350 embrace of 319 ethnographic 354 secular 305 world risk society and 20,260-87 cosmopolitanization 261,262, 283, 284,285 Costa Rica 383 cotton manufacturers 86,87 Council of Medical Education 92 counter-empire 221-3,227-8 counter-hegemonic globalization 138 Counter-Reformation 220 Cox, Robert 4,9,12,15,165,166 Crawford, Margaret 193 creative destruction 370 credit 110 access to 295 creation and trading in 161 credit cards 186,193,371,373,374 creolization 315,319-20,322-4, 325,332,342,349,362,402, 415,420 global culture 326 Latin America and Caribbean steeped in 318 limitation of 327 periphery-induced 344,356 crime 237,268,269,358 environmental 279 globalization of 259 racialized stigmas of violence, disorder and 358 criminal justice system 374 criminals 70 crisis management 278 Cromer, E. B., 1 st Earl of 56 cross-border activities 348 migration 15 trade 13 crossover 315,320,327,332 ethnic 331 intercontinental 326 intercultural 328 Crusaders 294 crystal lead 279


CSCE (Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe) 197 Cuba 75,325,377,387 Cudhay Packing 82 cultural assertiveness 41 cultural capital 335, 354 cultural communes 256 cultural differences 73,320,332,336 growing sensitivity to/awareness of 309,317-18 immutable 312 nation as bulwark of 417 one of three paradigms of 310 regarded as immutable 309 cultural diffusion 311,313 cultural diversity 15,289,309,312, 402,416 clash between globalization and 318 collective articulations of 311 cultural division 317 Christianity and Islam 25,27 cultural identity 23,34,269,406 hybrid 354 means to promote 357 perceived lack of 353 popular globalized celebration of 345,360 ritual negotiation of 356 cultural imperialism 317,332,345, 355,375,398,405,414,416 American-style 415 glocalization and 340-2 harbinger of the worst of 394 local criticism against 394 variations on the theme of 313 cultural liquidity 396 cultural niches 389 recognizing the value of 392 cultural norms 180,423 cultural preferences 396,402 cultural relativism 311,331 Cultural Revolution (China 1966-76) culture 14,26,28,47,52,54,195, 210, 262,307-8,322-43 African or African-inspired 194 American 301,378 anomalous definition of 311

benign 360 commercial 305 common 40,178 Confucian 35 creolization of 319,320 deterritorialized notions of 312 diasporic people 301 differences in 25,27 general 300 globalization and 309-21,389 hegemonic 50 ideology and 311 intercivilizational clashes of religion and 21 inward-looking take on 312 language and 41,349 liberal 53 "local" assertions of 337 material 247,314 narrative, empire and 231 national 58,61,206,300,403,417 new forms of 3 79 operating within civil society 50 outdoor 328 pitted against culture 290 political perspective on 311 postcolonial 59 relationship between nature and 248 spatial location linked with 206 territorial 311 translocal 311,315,321,331,332, 333 transnational 311 village 23 world 408-24 see also consumer culture; global culture; popular culture culture-ideology 183,184,185,186, 188,190,191,192,193,194 culture of poverty thesis 70 currency 163,191 common 291 competitive neoliberal policies to defend 202 convertible 140,160,290 destabilizing depreciations 130 devaluations 122,125 foreign 131

overvalued 384 speculative attacks on 171 stabilization of 90 turmoil in 162 undervalued 384 unregulated financial flows that menaced 111 weakened 202 currency reserves global 103 restored 123 Curti, Lidia 61 customs and traditions 318,373,393 transformed 405 Cuvier, G. 52 cyberpunk fiction 223 cyberspace 160,235,311 Cyrillic script 41 Czech Republic 230,415 Czechoslovakia 295 Dabydeen, David 357 Dahl, Robert 103 Dallas (soap opera) 194 "dance of cultures" 416 Dante Alighieri 48,55,56 Davos see World Economic Forum Dayton 387 de-agriculturalization 135 debt 110,242 cost of repayment 111 external 121,131,132,134,136 large and unsustainable 133 national 298 rescheduling 163 resources spent on servicing 131 service payments 306 see also foreign debt; HIPCs debt creation 109 debt crises 120,121,128,135 decentralization 75,76,81,296 network 248 decision-making 248,249 authoritarian 393 cognitive processes 424 linked by information networks 248 negotiated 247 risk presumes 264


decolonization 317,340 dedifferentiation 391,402 deflation 90,131,170,172 deindustrialization 109,117,120,123 structural adjustment causes 121 Deleuze, Gilles 228,354 Delhi 310 deliberative representation 297 Delors, Jacques 41 Delta Air Lines 82 demand 126-7,368,395 excessive, curbing 153 reducing 365 weak 122 worldwide, long slump 171 democracy 25,27,73,112,128,144, 216,240,247,270,311,330,415 attack on 91 consolidation of new regimes 3 8 - 9 cosmopolitical 238 darkening future of 294-5 decline of 261 direct effects of 301 efficiency of market does not translate into 288 electoral 125 engagements shaping the character of233 extended absolutely 228 fate of nation-state linked to fate of 297 functioning 32 global 239,289,294,329 high levels of 143 immediately useful example for 286 implications of globalization 330 imposed from the outside 269 Islam inherently allergic/hostile to 67,289 Islam intrinsically inhospitable to 298 legitimacy and 268 links between consumption, markets and 289 McDonaldized 392 non-racial 329 participatory 296 problem of 301 procedural 133

proposal to dismantle fundamental aspects of 112 relationship of capitalism and 292 secular 302 strong 296,297 supposedly clashing principles and prospects for 338 worker/share-owner 105 worldwide call for 211 Democratic Party (US) 105, 111, 178 Democratic Republic of Congo 215, 237,238 democratization 125,126,127,235, 240,378 development requires 306 effects of economic liberalization on 146 long distance 296 struggles over 237 worldwide third wave of 312 demonology 53 Deng Xiaoping 26 Denmark 176,178 Denny's 385 Depelchin, Jacques 237 dependency theory 129,133,136, 317,327 depoliticization 253 depreciations 130 deregulation 72,108,140 deregulation of markets 391 derivative trading 162 Derrida, Jacques 57,59,353 desertion 222 despotism 294,295 deterritorialization 198,202,218, 312,332,414,415,417 popular culture 397 resorting to simulation a manifestation of 353 Detroit 392 devaluation 120,125,135,153-4 enforced 202 repeated 122 development agencies 7 7 - 8 development banks 77,189 development economics 76 formative years/founding ideas of 78,79

trade-off between equity and growth in 423 Dewey, John 267,297 d'Herbelot, B. 56 dialectics 221,222,231,235, 265,298,302,304,356, 419,422 action-reaction 361 Cold War 310 empire and emancipation 348 inexorable 303 negative 361 productive 301 something and nothing 372-9 state-capital 229 dialects 159 diaspora 301,356-60 multiplying 348 Muslim 303 Dicey, A. V. 89,92 Dicken, Peter 274 Dickens, Charles 52 dictatorships 32,110,133 communist 294 corrupt and clientelist power structures 163 military 110,126 nationalist party 296 one-party 295 theocratic 296 dietary patterns 381,396,397,401 différance 59 differentialism 308 cultural 309,312,315,317,322 differentiation 21,24,396 cultural 34 geographical 389 social 389 spatial 389 Dingwall, Robert 277 dinner-houses 370 dirigiste states 103 Dirlik,Arif65,66 dirty bombs 278 disappearances 118,139,144 discrimination 286 almost unlimited opportunities for 98 religion and 25


diseases epidemic 164 global spread of 178 UN project to provide responses to 306 disenchantment 309 Disney 186,288,292,299,305,365, 385,386,420 Disneyfication 378 Disneyization 381,399-402 displacement 309 Disraeli, Benjamin 49 dissemination 317 Dissenters 92 dissident movements 101,293 "distanciation" 4 divergence 317 diversification 121,126,394,395, 396,415 combined effect of homogenization and 314 diversity 230,410 biological 309 capitalism hosts 314-15 demise of 421 enshrined as counterpoint to homogenization 416 ethnic 392 globalization of 416 glocalization and 361,393-6 intergroup 311 linguistic 415 national 166,170 national identity and pursuit of 414-17 recognition as a value in its own right 416 regional, coercive elimination of 418 replacing one with another 323 theoretical 322 transnational 415 value of 420 world culture 421 see also cultural diversity divine kingship 317 division oflabor 100,180,322 economic 203 extensive 205,203

geographical 416 global 200 international 201,212,254 sexual 225 world 208,209 dochakuka 335 Dolce and Gabbana 371 domination and subordination 59 Dominican Republic 136 Domino's Pizza 385,386,404 Doremus, Paul 10 double consciousness 360 double movement 73,89,91,94 downsizing 118,131,135,147,148, 177 fear from advanced industrial countries 178 government interventions 127 pressures toward 158 Dr Pepper/Seven Up 82 droughts 151 drug dealers 163 Drummond, Lee 322 Duménil,Gérard 106, 111 Duncan, Isidora 326,331 Dyer-Witheford, Nick 379 East Africa 16 East Asia 10,12,25 arms flows between Middle East and 310 capitalisms of 30 close domestic government-business cooperation 173 common self-understandings of societies 312 crisis 126 development model of NICs 327 dietary patterns 381,396,397 economic liberalization 121,125 escalating arms race 39 fast-food restaurants 314 foreign investors in 122 income inequalities contained 106 military superiority in 28 neoliberal interventions 112 overtones of chauvinism 312 political liberalization 125

rapidly increasing economic power 41 rise of 175 societies changing 397 strategic capacities 174 structural adjustment 119-27 territorial disputes 26 transnationalism, localization and fast foods 396-9 Western leverage over 41 zoning technologies 115 see also China; Japan; North Korea; Russia; South Korea; Taiwan East Germany 78 Neues Forum 294 East Timoreans 293 East-West polarity 312 Easterly, William 72,74n, 75-85 Eastern Europe see Central and Eastern Europe Eastern Sociology Association conference (New York 2004) 378 Easternization317 eating out 300 ecological issues 163,265,292-3 economic activity 95 global 277 international location of 12 economic advantages 44,74,75 comparative 30 economic collapse (2007) 245 economic conflict 26 economic cooperatives 295 economic crisis 124,395 global 72,120,157 economic development 5,9,23,40, 50,128,141 alternative forms of 166 areas under threat 186 beneficial effects of remittances for 138 freedom versus collectivism in 78-80 human rights conditions necessary for 140 market liberalization bad for 134 necessary step in fostering 132 necessary stimuli for 139


economic development (cont'd) promoting 118,127,133,142,145, 146 SAAs have a stimulative effect on 143 strong government involvement in promoting 127 trade union movements and 150 economic efficiency 5,113,114,151, 288 economic freedom 73,79,105,109 collectivism destroys 72 correlation between economic success and 72, 78,81-5 countries prosper because of 80 government facilitates 80 unrestricted 91 . Economic Freedom of the World: 2004 Annual Report 78 economic growth 9,104,133,142, 299 aggregate 141 basis for future realization of 151 efficient-functioning markets facilitate 148 encouraging 141 low or negative 79 necessary condition for 146 negative effect on 139 not all indices of pollution decline with 132 orchestrating 12 prospects for 147,151 rapid 136,140 slow 163 stagnant levels of 134 economic individualization 276 economic insecurity 175,177 global trade and finance aggravate 178 economic integration 11,175 driving mechanism of 168 need to combine cosmopolitan politics with 269 economic interdependence 4,22 political trade-offs entailed by 276 economic interests 33,42 discredited 54 Institutional Orientalism as 56

western, IMF as representation of 152 economic liberalism 73,86-94 economic linkages 276 economic logic 58 economic organization 68 economic performance 10,13,80 economic policy/policymaking 4,423 cross-national differences 10 foreign 359 economic power/strength 28,36 rapidly increasing 41 economic redistribution 161 economic regionalism 25 economic slowdown (2000-3) 277 economic success 41 collective action underpins 75 correlation between economic freedom and 72,78,81-5 uneven and unpredictable 81-5 economic systems 23,95 communist 74 liberal 73 wage differentials play an essential part in 96 economic transformations 61 economic value 99-100 economics 3,4,7,16,20,21,51,95, 108,268-9 bloodless, bloody jihad and 304 equated with contractual relationships 99 international 96,97 introductory textbooks 75 macro-micro distinction 338 of nothing 371-2 oil 53 rhetoric of 336 risk in 266 tendency to conflate globalization and 158 see also development economics; neoclassical economics; also headings aboveprefixed "economic" Economist, The 102,384 Eden, Lorraine 272 education 210,323,417 civic 297

curricula may change in peaceful ways 424 cuts in expenditures for 140 English language 60 expansion of 414 for formation of class of persons 63 professional 337 reduced level of equitable access 276 significance in creation of hegemony 60 spending on 124 spread around the globe 412 worldwide spread of 9 effeminization 59,61,62,63 efficiency 313,374,380,385,386,387 see also economic efficiency egalitarianism 247,393,394 Egypt 53,61,70,313,352,403 McDonald's in 395 soap operas 345,354 Ehrenreich, Barbara 70 Eisenstadt, S. N. 303 El Salvador 138 Matanza for the FMLN 329 McDonald's in 383 Elias, Norbert 361 Eliot, George 52 elites 120,133,232,301,394 consumerist 194 cultural 420 de-Westernization and indigenization of 24 economic 106,111,360 global 201 hegemonic 327 hypocritical covers for power-mongering by 291 neoliberal 125 non-Western countries 28 political 360 revolutionary 418 ruling 106,110 societal 262 wealthy 397 well-positioned 123 Ellington, (Edward) Duke 3247 Elliott, Anthony 277 emanation theory 317


emasculation 61 emerging economies 274,275 emotional labor 402 empire(s) 92,214-43,317 colonialist discourse 358 dialectics of 348 drive to 71 flowering 291 interstices between nation and 328 middle trading groups in 207 mutual deterrence 269 sociopolitical and cultural conflicts based on 359 see also imperialism; also under British Empire; Roman Empire empiricism 52 employee stock-ownership plans 295 employers' liability 92 empowerment 141,156,202 bureaucratic state apparatus 103 dissident 101 employer 69 mimicry as 63 women 136 end-of-ideology thesis 301 enemy images 266,267 Engels, Friedrich 236 England 149 Essential Works Order 98 factory inspection 92 food supply 87 imperial policies 67 laissez-faire interpreted narrowly 86 monarchic and feudal structures transcended 197 peasants and workers 209 resurgent, Utopians who dream nostalgically of 290 English civilization 35 "English" education 63 English language 16,186 attempted integration using 294 challenged as the dominant language 15 commerce and science increasingly speak 292 creole based on 325 education in 60

Latin and Greek displaced by 60 widespread use of 41 English literature 60 English public schools 61 Englishness 312 Enlightenment 33,281,285,291,309, 338 reflected moral authority of 284 universalism 293,294 Enloe, Cynthia 230 Enron 82 entrepreneurialism 76,104,107,115, 187,230,250 development of ventures 114 encouraging initiative 108 mobile subjects 116 environmental issues 164,241 degradation 132,163 hazards 177 illnesses 278 organizations/groups concerned with 5,6 protection 288 epidemics 277 Epstein, Gerry 162 EPZs (export-processing zones) 132, 136,137 equality 27,39,294 safety has tended to replace 260 Errington, Frederick 189 Esperanto 6,15 essentialism 325,329,367 critique of 333,344,347-8 strategic 343 estate tax 106 Esteinou Madrid, J. 193 Estonians 25 ethics 32,112,286 shared 269 transnational humanitarianism replaces 115 ethnic cleansing 26,37,422 ethnic groups 188 conflict between 345 demographic 406 legal criteria for 341 reasserting identities 6 ethnic movements 309 proliferation of 15

ethnic restaurants 370,407 ethnicity 15,25,208,247,286,290, 334,347,356 antidote to essentialist notions of 327 change in symbolic processes of 322 diverse 289 interplay of class, gender and 61 multiple 345,359 politics of 21 sociopolitical and cultural conflicts based on 359 ethnocentrism 57,294 ethnography 113,116,193,194,313, 351-6,323,345,393,396, 405-6,416 contemporary research 303 critical 354 native 345,351-6 TNCs quick to take advantage of 406 ethnomethodology 311 ethno-national-tribal infinities 236 ethnoscapes 390,400 ethnosociology 311 EU (European Union) 165,172, 173, 174,181,197,244,247 internal boundaries and external border 232 protection of agricultural policy 201 strict budget policies 177 trade with US 169 eugenics 59 Eurasia 2 6 - 7 Euripides 55,56 Euro (currency) 202 Eurocentrism 236,317, 328, 348,349 Eurocommunism 104 Eurodisney 386 European-Americans 327 European Community 41,330 see also EU Europeanization 313,327 evangelical Christians 112 Evans, Peter 138 evolutionism 313 Ewen,. Stuart 194


exceptionalism 234 exchange rates 121 competitive 153 fixed 103,104,120,171 flexible 122,124 floating 125 overvalued 121,153,154 exchangeability 377 exclusion 221,245,254,256,295 inclusion and 113,354 existential philosophy 377 exit threat 168 exodus 222,242 anthropological 223 exotic eroticization 62 exoticism 331 experts 267 exploitation 186,221,224,225,226, 236,240,256 resistance against 222 will to resist 242 exports 124,140,169 arms 310 cultural 352 ensuring producers are not unreasonably exploited 153 expanding markets 104 food 364 foreign-dominated 191 prime 375 reductions in barriers 120 extra-judicial killing 118,139,144 Fabian, Johannes 322 factional motherlands 293 factors of production 154 factory legislation 92,93 Fairbanks, Charles 234 Fairuz and the Rahbanis 352,354 falafel 381,382,403-5 Falwell, Jerry 302 family 35 patriarchal 247 family wage 225 famine 235 fanatics 288,295 Fanon, Frantz 57,69 Fantasia, Rick 402 Far East 47

fascism 99 extreme-right politicians 161 international organizations 189 oneness of mankind negated by 100 setting the stage for the rise of 109 fashion 353,376 Europe's largest retailer 384 fast 385 punk 223 fast-food outlets 82,186,187,268, 290,305,313,314,387,392 Britain the capital of Europe 383 cheap 300 croissanteries 383,391 defense of "slow food" against 370 ethnic crossover in employment patterns 331 exportation of 375 second largest retailer 395 transnationalism, localization and 396-9 see also Burger King; Burger Ranch; Domino's; Juicy Burger; KFC; McDonald's; Mos Burger; Nirula's; Pizza Hut; Wendy's FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) 178,221 FDI (foreign direct investment) 5, 121,125,129,131,133,136,137, 169, 187,272,274-5 aggregate figures as proxies for globalization of production 168 encouraged 117 facilitated 102,117 history of 186 increased flows of 276 state subsidies to attract 191 structural changes foisted on 280 Third World governments competing for 132 fear of foreigners 270 Featherstone, M. 32 In, 361 Federal Reserve 126,130 see also Greenspan; Volcker Federalist 218 federation 97 fee-for-service systems 276 Feenberg, Andrew 376

female circumcision 5 female virtue 115 feminism 57, 59,256,404,416 gender equality within the limits of Islam 115 feminization 60 Ferguson, Adam 300 festivals see carnivals feudalism 58,65,207,331 superseded 197 Fiat 292 film industry 292,305,397,415 Iranian and Korean directors 378 financescapes 390,400 financial crises 122,202 global 264,265 financial failure 162-3 financial institutions 169 bailout of 74 deregulation of 72 private 196 troubled/ailing 122,123 see also IFIs financial markets 83,84 dualism seems to distinguish operation of 170 fewer constraints on 129 fragile 125 liberalization of 110 see also global financial markets Finnemore, Martha 409,421-4 Firebaugh, Glenn 134 firing of workers freedom in 118,148 restrictions on 147 First World War 5,29,94 fiscal crises 177 fiscal policy Keynesian 103,104 power of global finance to undermine 170 tighter 129 Fischer, Claude 247,249 fish stock crisis 278 Fiss, Peer C. 5 fixed costs 169 Flaubert, G. 49,51,52 flexible specialization 391 Fligstein, Neil 13,14


fluoride vapors 279 folk religiosity 303 Ford 129,193,376 Fordism 237,391, 393,396,400 ultimate extension of 392 Foreign Affairs (journal) 39 foreign aid 306 freedom versus collectivism in 75-85 foreign capital access to 136 enhancing the participation of 125 foreign debt 125 country on the brink of defaulting 146 high levels of 137 foreign direct investment see FDI foreign exchange turnover 5 foreign investment 108,129,136, 175,211 competition for 177 costs of 192 countries desperate for 132 invited in under the auspices of NAFTA 133 used to own advantage 134 foreign investors 106,122,123,146 foreign policy 31,33,186,268 changed 269 joint 330 foreign portfolio investment 129 foreign restaurants 378 forest depletion/destruction 163,292 fortress states 261,270 Fortune magazine 106,191 annual global conferences 189 Global 500 corporations 185,211 fossil fuels 164 Foucault, Michel 44,48,52,57,59, 70,113,221,228,238,303,315 Four Seasons 371 Fourth World 322 fractiousness 293,294 markets are enemies of 291 fragmentation 396 France 48,88,90,160,281,296 carnivals 357 classical cuisine 389 control of Suez Canal 44

domestic, foreign, security and defense policies 268 enemies of Church and ardent anticlericals 93 Euro Disney 386 factory inspection 92 financial regulation and control 163 firms competitive in global economy 10 global issues effectively settled by US, Britain and 27 imperial policies/tradition 67,110 income inequalities contained 106 involvement in the history of world culture 420 Left acquiring state power 104 loss of former great-power status 419 McDonaldization derided by activists 414 McDonald's in 402 monarchy and feudalism superseded 197 national film culture 305 national radio stations 299 North African immigration 24 Orientalism 47,48 people abandoning French culture 300 people "very proud" of their nationality 421 political complaints about American cultural imperialism 341 populist, far-right parties 178 provincial languages and dialects 159 racism 2 5 - 6 , 1 9 4 repeated military conquest of 422 responses to world culture 417 rise as a nation-state 419 state ownership of key sectors 104 success of Latin-American novelists in 415 suspicion about American influence in Europe 186 Third Republic 92,418 trade unions 189

undocumented aliens residing in 224 universal aspirations 418 women from Africa who found asylum in 194 workmen's compensation 92 see also French language; Paris franchises 367,369,374,384,404 closing 314 home delivery 385 Françoise, Jacqueline 299 Francophones 294,417,420 Franglais 415,420 Frankfurt School 195,361 Franklin, James 145 free markets 27,73,78,81,102,120, 134,238,292,404 agenda to encourage 128 demand for 93 electoral democracy and 125 global 30 hallmark of 72 imposing 296 introduction of 89 limited government reduces barriers to functioning of 141 stampede in the general direction of 294 virtues of 76,311 free trade 86,92,94,97,102,103,200, 290,294 international 87,88 policymakers often promote 175 sanctions against WTO member states 201 see also FTAA; NAFTA freedom 75,270,311,341 bourgeois 236 civil 111 collectivism versus 78-80 decline of 261 democratic 289 entrepreneurial 107 imposed from the outside 269 individual 101,107, 111, 113, 352 knowledge of 100 moral 98 personal 98,141 regulation extends and restricts 97


freedom (cont'd) search for 222 unprecedented 98 see also economic freedom; market freedoms freedom of association 150 freedom of choice 85,101,301 restricted to societal elites 262 freedom of contract 93 French bread 383,391 French Canada 298 French civilization 35 French Empire 52 French language 16,353 carrier of diversity 417 didactic campaigns that taught inhabitants to speak 418 Freud, Sigmund 57,59 Friedman, Jonathan 9-10,15,257, 321n, 347-8,350-1,367 Friedman, Milton 102,107,108 Friedman, Thomas 68,69,385 Frundt, Henry 133 FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas) 69 Fuhrerprinzip 295 Fujimori, Alberto 140 Fukuyama, Francis 29,30,35,68, 221,235,267,301,302,313 full employment 288 functional finance 96 fundamentalism 392 capitalist 268 hostility to modernity 289,302, 303 mistakenly identified with traditionalism 302 powerful new parties 290 terrorist 305 see religious fundamentalism Furnivall, John S. 332 G-7 (Group of 7) countries 197,201 G-22 (Group of 22) countries 197 Galbraith, John Kenneth 164,299 Galileo 362 Galtung, Johan310 Gandhi, Indira 295 Gandhi, M. K. (Mahatma) 295

Gandhi, Rajiv 295 Gangetic plains 349 Gans, Herbert 69,255 Garrett, Geoffrey 10,13 GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) 341 Uruguay Round 201 GDP (gross domestic product) 13, 121, 134,154,169,273 declining 122 FDI as a percentage of 5 investment as a percentage of 170 per capita 83,132,172 ratio of savings to 170 Geertz, Clifford 15,159,160,341-2 Gellner, Ernest 287 Gemeinsch aft 335 gender 356 colonialist discourse 358 combined cultural, ethnic and 342 interplay of class, ethnicity and 61 sociopolitical and cultural conflicts based on 359 strong boundaries 349 gender equality 115 gender inequality 136 impact of structural adjustment on 136 gender politics 309 gender relations 62,120,223 centrality to capital's entry into new territories 230 General Motors 159,211 general strikes 147 generational conflict 302 genetic engineering 247 genetically modified food/organisms 238,264,270 genetics 327,348 Geneva 187 Geneva Convention violation 102 genocide 29,31,33,231,408 geography 3,119,355 geopolitics 310 Georgia 2 9 3 - 4 Gereffi, Gary 4 German civilization 35

German (re)unification 164 economic restructuring problems 277 first elections 295 Germanness312 Germany 27,160,274,290,336 carnivals 357 domestic and international clout 173 environmental crime 279 financial regulation and control 163 firms competitive in global economy 10 investment as a percentage of GDP 170 local culture 335 McDonald's in 383,398 national character 281 racism 2 5 - 6 resurgent, Utopians who dream nostalgically of 290 savings 170 social protections and environmental regulations 131 superpower penetration of 232 tax 169 terrorist sleepers identified in 268 tradition of Orientalism 47 village culture 23 workmen's compensation 92 see also Berlin; East Germany; Nazi Germany; West Germany Gershenberg, Irving 191 Gestalt311 Gewertz, Deborah 189 ghettos 69,317 Gibb,A. H. R. 55 Giddens, Anthony 4 , 9 , 1 3 - 1 4 , 6 8 , 337,361 Gill, Stephen 165,201 Gilpin, Robert 4,12,13 Gilroy, Paul 231,360 Gilsenan, Michael 303 Gissinger, Ranveig 143-4 Glasgow 357 g/asnosf 292,295 Glassman, Jim 117,118n, 119-27 Glastonbury rock festival 358


Gleditsch, Nils Petter 143-4 global capital 115,196,211,242 interests of 188 global capitalism 66,103,106,158, 165,166,180,196,253,361 commercial expansion 406 development of 175 fundamental institutional supports of 165 fundamental restructuring of 244 groups who identify with 191 leadership of culture-ideology of consumerism in the interests of 194 local business and 189 mass media perform many functions for 193 McDonald's often seen as representative of 393 postmodernism a solvent for 360 priority over social organization 68 relationship that defines 183 reproduction of 197 serious neglect of the role 65 territoriality of 114 triumph of 347 welfare state is compatible with 13 world largely structured by 184 Global Compact 306 global culture 15,16,211,292 consumption 389-92 hybridity and identity in 356-60 mass 341 global finance 122,171 personal 186 power of 170 crises 264 global financial markets 248,254 collapse of 265 global politics 309 global village concept 14,15,186,194 global warming 9,263 only way to deal with 265 glocalization 160,280,304,313,345, 364,402 defined 319 diversity and 361,393-6 grobalization versus 372,377 hybridity as 355

native ethnography of 351-6 nothing/something 367-8 political limits of360-1 popularity of theories 362 time-space and homogeneity-heterogeneity 334-43 glocommodification 402-7 Gnosticism 317 GNP (gross national product) 187, 211,306 Gobineau, Arthur, Comte de 50,315, 326,348 Goffman, Erving 422 gold reserves 104 gold standard 88,90,96,97,170,200 Goldman, Robert 376 goods and bads 265,266 Goodyear Tire 159 Gorbachev, Mikhail 369 Gospels 100 gourmet restaurants 371,381,403-4, 406,407 substantial expansion of 370 governance 128,129-33,248 corporate 188 cosmopolitan 304 democratic 415 global 15,166,304,306 good 118,140,145,146 greatest threat to territorially constituted forms of 168 obedience to hierarchy in 295 repudiation of social-democratic forms of 276 transnational forms of 178,272 two-level, belt-and-braces system of 162 US-style patterns of 138 government expenditure 10 reductions in 149,154 sudden and massive cuts 148 governmentality 113,115 Graburn, Nelson H. H. 322 grammars 316 Gramsci, Antonio 50,52,53,57, 59, 165,235 Granovetter, Mark 249 Gray, John 21,22,29-33

Great Depression (1930s) 5,103,107 Great Powers 3 0 - 1 , 3 8 , 5 3 , 9 6 Greater Serbia 37 Greece 21,29,281 Greek language 60,61 Greekness312, 349 Greeks 70,312,349 Green movement 160,277,297,305 Greenfeld, Liah 338 greenhouse gases 292 Greenpeace 291 Greenspan, Alan 130 Gregorian calendar 5 Grenada 221,330 grobalization 345,346,362,363-70, 373,374,375,379 glocalization versus 372, 377 growing hostility to 378 Gross National Income 80 Grundrisse (Marx) 374,375 Grunebaum, G. E. von 56 GST (Australian General Sales Tax) 394 Guatemala 187,383,384 Guattari, Félix 354 Gucci 366,371,376 guerrilla insurgency/warfare 110,140 Guillen, Mauro F.3,10 GulfWar220,330,395 gunboat diplomacy 200 Guyana 322 H&M clothing 384,385 Habeas Corpus Act (suspension 1794) 88 Habermas, Jürgen 303 Hague Convention violation 102 Haiti 128 halal products 395,398 half-castes 315,326,331,341,342, 348 Hall, Catherine 61,66 Hall, Stuart 352,355,375 Hamburg 268 Hamelink, Cees 316 Hannerz, Ulf 312,320,321n, 3 2 2 - 6 , 332,333,335-6,415,416,420 Hapsburgs 92 hard-currency earnings 191


Hardt, Michael 175,214-43 hardware superiority 292 Harvard University Institute for Strategic Studies 309 Harvey, David 4,65,73,101-11, 360 Havana 325,387 Havel, Vaclav 295 Hayek, Friedrich A. von 8 5 , 1 0 6 - 7 , 108,236 health 280,404 cuts in expenditures 140 reduced level of equitable access to services 276 Hebdige, Dick 352 hedge-fund managers 163 Hegel, G. W. F. 221,362,375,411 hegemony 5 1 , 5 2 , 5 9 , 6 2 - 3 , 6 6 , 6 7 , 68,103,165,184,185,197,201, 242,327,377 American 313,417 bourgeois 196,348 commercial 200 cooperative and immaterial labor 226 crumbling 74 cultural 50,340,395 decline of 367 expert 271 global 74,183,196,232,298 market determinism 305 neoliberal 126 overtones of 355 refigured in the process of hybridization 329 regional 237 reinforced 266 religious absolutism 305 significance of education in creation of 60 see also Western hegemony Hegre, Havard 143-4 Heidegger, Martin 362,377 Held, David 247, 330,417 Helleiner, Eric 163 Helleiner, Gerald 164 helplessness 171 Herder, J. G. von 312,340,349,350 heresies 350 Heritage Foundation 108

heroin 304 Herriot, Edouard 93 Herzliya403 heterogenization 319,329,330,332, 334-43,362,381,402,406 local 407 heterosexuality 247 high-tech equipment 310 Hindu civilization/culture 21,24,27, 29,310 Hinduism/Hindus 383,398 clashes between Muslims and 26, 295 fundamentalist 24,40 imperatives apply impartially to 293 militant 41 nationalist 302 nationalist parties 290 Hinduization 24 HIPCs (Highly Indebted Poor Countries) 138,163 Hiroshima 272 Hirsch, Paul M. 5 Hirschman, Albert 4 Hirst, Paul 4,8,12,172,174 Hispanic Americans 39,326,349 historic bloc 165,201 Hitler, Adolf 348,350 HIV/AIDS 9,61,158,164,261,238, 278 halting the spread of 76 Hobbes, Thomas 268 Hobsbawm, E. J. 299 Hobson, John 273 Hoffman, Kelly 135 Holland 110 see also Netherlands Hollywood 194,292,341,397,415, 416,420 juggernaut movies geared to universal teen tastes 305 Hollywoodization 289 Holmes, Oliver Wendell 301 Holzmann, Robert 150 Home Center 403 homelessness 328,339 homemade meals 371 Homer 55,56,263

homoeroticism 62 homogenization 218,264,341,342, 373,392,401,415 argument against 421 combined effect of diversification and 314 cultural 206,320 diversity enshrined as counterpoint to 416 global 292,334,407 globalization must be seen as 380 McDonaldization inextricably linked to 381 metaphorical capture of different forms of 415 relentless 417 structural 402-3,406,407 trade regimes 173 worldwide, through MNCs 313 homohomo 223,227 Honduras 383 Hong Kong 187 Coca-Cola in 398-9 Disney in 400,402 explosive growth of 115 film industry 397 global capital flows heading for 275 lingua franca 35 McDonald's/McDonaldization 384,393,396,397,398,399,400, 401,402,415 Horn of Africa 26 Horowitz, Donald 24 hospitality industry 277 hostile takeovers 123 hotel industry 185 Howard, John 394 Hub er, Evelyne 13 Hugo, Victor 48, 70 human capital 207 in the service of power 67 human rights 9,26,27,175,182,188, 281,294,305,378 basic 140 compliance with 41 effects of World Bank structural adjustment 138-46 efforts to promote 41


government respect for 139 groups concerned with 6 international cooperation on the basis of 261,270 organizations defending 5 positive effect on 118 universal 160,211 worsening of practices by governments 140 human rights violations 240,261,284 violations increased probability of 139 humanitarianism 116,215-16,238 emergency response 278 transnational 115 Hume, David 52,300 Huntington, Samuel P. 16,21,22, 23-9,30,31,34, 35,36-42,299, 301,302,308-13,361,410,416 Hurrell, Andrew 164 Hurricane Katrina (2005) 178 Hutus 29 hybridity 115,227,324,377 assimilationist 328 celebratory stance toward 325,327 consumption and 351-2 cosmopolitans like the idea of 344 cultural 66,191,303,304,331,332, 348,355 disagreement over meaning and dynamics of 318 dual assimilationist and subversive thrusts 352 failure to recognize and acknowledge 351 global culture 356-60 glocalization and 355 meaningful only as critique of essentialism 347-8 mimicry and 353 nomadism and 3 5 3 - 4 politics of 327-30 popular globalized celebration of 345,360 position symptomatic of 352 postmodern perspective is tied to 367 response-oriented model of 328 self-identification and 349

social 348 stereotyping of 351 hybridity talk 349-50,351 hybridization 223, 227,308,315-16, 317,345,348,351,355,405,406 celebrations of 375 cultural 309,314,319,320,330, 333 global 326-33,342,373 hegemony refigured in the process of329 institutional 320 mimicry and simulation 353 multiple ethnicities and cultures 359 structural 320,333 hypernationalism 294 hypertext 247,248 Hyundai 211 IBM World Trade 210 Ibo people 24 Iceland 384 ICFTU (International Confederation of Free Trade Unions) 148,149, 150,189-90 ideal types 303,350,363, 371,377 identity 6,61,159 ancient 293 antidote to essentialist notions of 327 becomes reactive phenomenon 256-7 boundary-crossing 351 breakdown of civility in the name of294 civilization 41 collective 421 ethnic 25,26,230,302,350,392 frames of 287 global culture 356-60 hybrid 345,353,354 hybridity not a negation of 355 inward-looking take on 312 local 295 "local" assertions of 337 modernist 350 multiple 320 nation-state 24,40

political 39 postcolonial 59 primary 247 primordialist view of 329 project 257 regional 350 relationality of 353 resistance 257 social 286 social construction of tradition and 341 struggles over 38 superior 50 women's 257 working-class 256 see also cultural identity; national identity; politics of identity identity construction 354 identity crisis 353 ideological norms 180 ideologues 246 free-market 299 hybrid 350 ideology 215,292 capitalist 206 civic 297 consumerist 185 culture and 311 dehumanizing 54 diffuse 238 hegemonic elite 327 Iron Curtain 310 multiculturalist 39 Nazi 350 neoliberal 5 political 39,389 secular 40 totalitarian 295 Western 29 see also culture-ideology ideoscapes 390,400 IFIs (international financial institutions) 130,139,145,147 policies and practices 232 see also IMF; World Bank IGOs (intergovernmental organizations) 159,162,163, 179 IKEA 384,387-8



illiteracy 240,306 ILO (International Labor Organization) 124,277 practices considered abusive by 131 IMF (International Monetary Fund) 24,68, 70, 73, 75, 76, 78,102, 103,109,110,111,117,127,131, 141,162,183,189,197,202,216, 236,330 and Africa 150-6 Asian governments' banking and financial systems 163 assessing programs 151-2 bailouts 104,130 controls on capital movements explicitly condoned by charter 128 experts do not act under guidance of governments 259 funds used to pay off central bank obligations 123 Global Monitoring Report 2006 77 HIPC initiative endorsed by 138 human rights effects of SAAs 145 impact of conditionalities 330 insistence on currency convertibility and liberalization 120 justification of policies 121 policies undermine labor power and rights 146-50 promoting replacement of publicly funded social security systems 130 protests against 228,240 structural adjustment policies criticized 120 unregulated economic liberalization advocated by 140 US government representatives on decision-making boards 144 immigration backlash from Caribbean community 358 carnivalesque traditions 357 cultural contact 415 illegal 137 new patterns of 137

only way to deal with 265 receptivity to 24 scapegoats for social and economic problems 178 second-generation immigrants 350 threats to national identity due to 158 impartiality 291 imperial sovereignty 217,218,223, 230,241,242 model for understanding 221 multitude must discover adequate means to subvert 222 imperialism 50,51, 53, 58,60,63,64, 317,330,356,360 ancient orders 220 capitalist 111 colonialism, class relations, global capitalism and 66 definite views on 52 economic 187 Eurocentric 349 free-trade 200 human rights 27 interconnections between Europe, capitalism and 229 Marxian analyses of 229,290 masculinism of 60 more open system without colonies 110 novel objection to 299 Orientalism paralleled and legitimated 67 perfecting of 219 political 52,54 putative disappearance of 229 racialized terror and genocide 231 radical 93,111 sexual desire 62 universalizing 419 world politics and 230 see also cultural imperialism; US imperialism import-substitution 102,121,153 imports 369 cheap 121,135 demand met by 126-7 desubstitution of 121 expensive 153

less costly 352 non-traditional 121 reductions in barriers 120 relatively neutral 398 technology 125 Impressionism 331 in-betweens 349,352 incentives 137,173 income 79,78,80,371 concentration in upper echelons of society 106 per capita 11,218 see also national income income distribution 121,122 badly skewed 150 raising incomes at top of the spectrum 276-7 worsening 124,126 income inequality 106,122,123,135, 143,300 growing might 136 increasing 143 income tax 176 massive cuts 177 replacing 129 India 27,43,48,52,59,63,65,233, 392 Brahmins 349 British sovereignty over Empire 232 contemporary cinema 66 economic growth 134 English literary studies in 60 fast-food restaurants 383 film production 415 Hinduization/Hindus 24,295 implantation of Western medicine 61 indigenous languages 41 infighting 295 intensifying religious strife within 26 labor unity 189 McDonald's in 398 Muslims/Islam 41,295,298,310 national film culture 305 national oil company 211 partial moves towards neoliberalization 103


reputation as world's largest integral democracy 290 rivalry between Pakistan and 26 secularism 40-1 Sikhs 295 sociology of 210 Tamils 295 transmigrants 137 Indian Ocean tsunami (2004) 278 Indianness 61 indigeneity416 indigenization of knowledge 311 indigenous chains 390 indigenous peoples 309,416 fully recognized by UN 341 Inditex Group 384 individual choice 300 educated 15 intolerance of 297 mocking 299 process free of 45 individual responsibility 112,141 individualism 27,39,85,115,422 methodological 281-2 product of culture which honors 386 social solidarity dissolved in favor of 108 Indochina 47,232 Indonesia 191,266,312,375 currency turmoil 162,202 dependency problems 125 economic crisis (1998) 395 international emergency and humanitarian assistance 278 McDonald's in 395-6 military dictatorship 126 Muslim populations 2 9 8 , 3 9 5 - 6 poverty estimates 124 structural adjustment 124 unemployment 124 Indus Valley 316 industrial relations 258,281 industrial tribunals 98 industrialization 127,136,326 consequence of 315 drive to 394 import-oriented 121 source of capital for 125 Indyk, Martin 384

inefficiency 152,155 INFACT 187 infant mortality 164 inferiority product 388,404 racial 312 infidels 305 inflation 128 accelerating 105 budget deficits and 151,153,154 double-digit surge 108 dramatic 124 high interest rates used to fight 118 maintaining a low rate of 140 number of people afflicted by 90 purchasing power eroded by 153 runaway 109 surging 104 wage increases pegged to 122 information flows 4 cross-border integration of 14 dependence on 292 easy and regular 291 social activity constantly informed by 390 information networks 175,249-51, 292 institutional decision-making linked by 248 information technology 160,168, 244,247,248,250,255,257,277 biologically based 249 imperative 290,291-2 logic of manufacturing 258 informationalism / informationalization 236 global 235 network society and 20,244-59 Inglehart, Ronald 15 INGOs (international nongovernmental organizations) 160 Ingush/Ossetian violence 26 Inkatha 293,294 insiderization principle 313 Institute of Economic Affairs (London)108 institution transfer 296 institutional overshooting 117,130

institutionalism 421-4 instrumentalization 407 insubordination 243 insurance 165,267 intellectual property rights 102 trade negotiations concerning 165 intellectuals 39,186,300,344,350-1, 420 cold shoulder among 400 courageous gathering of students, workers and 294 KFC and McDonald's condemned by 395 liberal, in Islam 302 Marxist 94 neoliberal 238 power and 228 production of 63 Third World 323 intelligence 178 intelligence agencies 267 intention 267 intention principle 266 Inter Action 306 interaction 40 interculturalism 311,320,325,327, 328,331,332,336,345,355,356 interdependence 290,330 constructive and realistic 305 harder for Americans to accept inevitability of 291 see also economic interdependence interest groups 107 transnational 165 interest rates 128 global/international 120,125,128 high 10,117,118,121,122,130, 135,137 liberalization of 120 nominal 108 Inter-faith Center on Corporate Responsibility 187 international banks 128,291 International Business Associations 189 international competitiveness 10, 82 lack of 190 minimum wage held down to foster 133


international credit markets 110 international economic institutions 27,28 International Financial Assistance Act (US 1977) 144 International Labor Rights Fund 187 international law 220,291 International Metalworkers Federation 190 international norms 423 International Organization of Consumer Unions 187 International Red Cross 293 international relations 3,29,37,38, 157,158,161,165,166,179,197, 201,339,348,424 attempt to overcome dualism between nation-state and international system 333 axis of 195 "bandwagoning" in 28 conflicts within morality 31-3 culture and 21,310 empire and 215,220,228-34 gang war aspect 294 global theory precluded by 329 institutions set up to help stabilize 103 neorealist 12 primarily defined by conflicts between nation-states 304 realist view of 311 international telephone calls 5 international terrorism 177 international trade factors that influence openness to 82 heyday of 5 increased flows of 276 International Union of Food and Allied Workers'Associations 190 International Youth Hostel movement 340 internationalism 238 peace and 295 thin veneer torn away 294 internationalization 5,69,210 ability of nation-states to adapt to 175

advanced 247 effects on state capacity 171 facilitators of 172 strong 167 Internet 15,137,175,235,240,250, 376 access to 6-7 dynamic social movements connected via 248 hypertext on 245 McDonald's promotional strategy 395 multimedia technologies associated with 391 projected number of users 247 inter-state system 174,196,199,200 interventionism 93-4,104,112 alleged mainspring of 91 battle for ideas against 107 centrally organized and controlled 89 humanitarian 116,237-9 military 238,239 moral 238 intraregional trade 25,169 inventories 137 investment banks 109,110 regional 330 investment decisions 107,266 investor confidence 128 need to maintain 133 iPod (mobile digital device) 81,82 Iran Christian Armenia and 29 CIA-engineered coup (1953) 110 military relations between China and 310 Iran-Iraq war 29 Iraq70,101-2,103, 111, 158,294 Anglo-American sanctions regime 232 call for military occupation of 234 invasion (2003) 383 resistance to Western pressure on 38 Ireland 11,83 compulsory vaccination 92 universities 61 Irish bagels 319,320,326,331

Iron Curtain 25 Islam 28,29,53,298,309 and American conservatism 301-4 anti-Semitism 54 bloody borders 27,310 characterized by its retrogressive position 44 cultural division between Christianity and 25,27 diasporic forms of culture 303 existing political structures challenged 303 feminists claim gender equality within the limits of 115 fundamentalist threat of 310 global claims and pretensions 5 inherently allergic to democracy 67 interaction between the West and 310 intrinsically inhospitable to democracy 298 militant 302,304 monolithic and inherently hostile to democracy 289 negative images of 304 parochial in many modern incarnations 294 perception of 53 remade 287 resistance of states to Western pressure on Iraq and Libya 38 scathing indictment for Orientalism as it relates to 44 struggle against threat to integrity of302 see also Muslims; also under following headings prefixed "Islamic" Islamic bloc of nations 27 Islamic civilization 21,24,29,310 antagonistic interaction of 26 Arab, Turkic and Malay subdivisions 23 conflict between Western and 25 Islamic-Confucian states/alliance 28, 312 military connection 310


Islamic fundamentalism 24,162,289, 303,392 affinities between Protestant and 302 identification of jihad with 301 periodic boycotts of McDonald's 395 western commentaries 302 Islamic schools 379 Islamic states efforts to acquire nuclear weapons 38 military strength of 28 Islamists 26,302,395 isolation 27,112 markets are enemies of 291 social therapy that overcomes separation and 357 isomorphism 9,417,421,422,423,424 global 409,414 institutional 129 Israel 27,349 arms sales to China 310 McDonald's in 381,382,383,384, 402-7 struggle between Arabs and Zionism 53 Istanbul 395 Italian civilization 35 Italy 234 communists 189,229 defense of "slow food" against fast food 370 food exports 364 government spending 273 Left in 104,229 McDonald's in 398 Orientalism 47 racism 2 5 - 6 state ownership of key sectors 104 tax revenues 273 trade unions 189 village culture 23 itineracy 350 jailbirds 89 Jains 398 Jakarta 164 Jalal al-Azm, Sadik 44,46n, 5 4 - 7

Jamaa religious movement 322 McDonald's in 302,381,383,396, Jamaica 138,344,345,356 398,399,401 James, C. L. R. 65 Meiji period 342 James, William 3 7 - 8 myth of the pure Japanese race 349 Jameson, Frederic 57,360 national identity and national Japan 40,47,169,244,257,291,324, politics deeply preserved 302 335,336 savings 170 Asianization in 24 sociology of 210 bourgeois art 331 state institutions acting as buying Hollywood film studios "midwives" 274 292 superpower penetration of 232 call to play naval role in China Sea technology imports from 125 and to contain the Russian toothpicks for fastidious diners empire 311 292-3 catalyst for internationalization trade with US 169 strategies 173 US-based corporations challenged commercial strategy 360 by others based in 212 communist unions 189 Japanese challenge 327 Confucian ethic 312 Japanese civilization/culture 21,23, cooperative relations with 28,310 24,26,27,29,310 dependence on influx of workers Japaneseness 312 224 Japanization401 domestic and international clout Jarvis, Darryl S. L. 261,271-80 173 jazz 415 economic issues between US and Congo 322 26,38 Oriental 352 environmental concerns 164 Jefferson, Thomas 218 expanding export markets 104 Jerusalem 384 fast-food restaurants 314,383 Jesus Christ 100 FDI receipts 274-5 Jevons, William Stanley 107 financial regulation and control Jewish fundamentalism 24,302,303 163 Orthodox Sabbath-observing 291 firms competitive in global Jewishness312 Jews 27,29,40,349,350 economy 10 American 53 forced to accept Western baiters of 92 economic and political culture 21 arrangements 423 foreign investment from 108 fries consumed with great gusto by glocalization conception 342 398 huge trading houses 211 imperatives apply impartially to hybridization 315 293 IKEA in 387 legend 100 industrial relations 281 jihadlQ, 160,164,379 industrial system and rice culture McWorld and 288-306, 317,338, 201 378 influence of art on European non-Islamic examples of 288 painting 331 job loss 135 investment as a percentage of GDP John, D i l 4 0 170 John Paul II, Pope 26


Johns Hopkins University 234 Johnson, Lyndon B. 232 Johnson, Paul 339 joint ventures 191,212 Jollibee 384 Jones, Quincy 299 Jones, William 51 Jonkonnu masks 356 Jordan 137 Joseph, Keith 108 Jubilee movement 138 Judaism fundamentalist 24 parochial in many modern incarnations 294 see also Jewish fundamentalism; Jews Judeo-Christian tradition 41 judiciary independence 129 Juicy Burger 383 junk food 314 Jurassian separatists 293 juridical formation 214 juridical norms 238 jus ad bellum 220 just-in-time production 137 just war 214,220 Kabila, Laurent 238 Kabuki 326,330-1 Kafanchan 323 Kant, Immanuel 362 Kapstein, Ethan 11,162 Kashmiris 6 Katz,Elihu 193-4 Kautsky, K. 233 Kavolis,Vytautas310 Kellner, Douglas 255,346,372-9 Kelson, Hans 238 Kemalist Turkism 349 Kennedy, Paul 4,11,269 Kennedy School of Government 296 Kenny Rogers Roasters 187 Kent State University 231 Kenya 163,191 Kepel, Gilles 24 Kern, Stephen 339 Kerry, John 178

Keynesian policies 102,103,104,105, 107,108,109,110,164 KFC (Kentucky Fried Chicken) 288, 314,383,395,400 popularity in Malaysia 384 Khartoum 26 kickbacks 140 Kim Hyung-soo 395 Kimbangism 328 King, Anthony 311,337 King, Martin Luther 39 kinship 35,226,390 Kissinger, Henry 5,102 Kiswahili language 16 Klein, Naomi 376 know-how 163 knowledge and power 259 Kobrin, Stephen 4,5,11,14 Kodak 211 Kokopelli figures 368,369 Koran 35 Korean war 29,47,398 Kosovo 37,232,238 Kowinski, WilliamS. 385 Kraidy, Marwan M. 345,346n, 351-6 Kristeva, Julia 57 Kroc, Ray 81-2,394 Kuhn, Thomas 22,38 Kundera, Milan 351 Kurdish independence 293 Kurds 6,293 Kurile Islander Japanese 293 Kuwait 109,238 Kuznets curve 136 Kwan, Robert 401 Kyoto conference (1997) 164 Labor Day celebrations (US) 357 labor market flexibility 110,148 improved 123 labor markets 10,12,74,86,132 competitive 88,96 differentiation of 314 fewer regulations on 129 free 87,93 impact of trade on 11 overall strain on 118 pressures on 135,137 reforms of 149

strained by bankruptcy of domestic firms 135 transnationalism in 137 women in 136 labor parties 91 Labour Party (UK) 8,105 Lacan, Jacques 57,59 Laclau, Ernesto 236 Laffey, Mark 215,216n, 228-34 Lagos 24 laissez-faire system 13,73,86,87,88, 89,90,92,93,94,238,274,295 Lane, Edward William 50,52 Lange, Oscar 107 language(s) 263,324,328,340,415 attachments based on 159 colonial 294 common, national identity deeply rooted in 178 creolization of 319 cultural 315 culture and 41,316,349 English-based Creole 325 global 15,186 grammar and 316 indigenous 41 key to nationhood 312 provincial 159 regional 418 systematizations of 59 see also English language Las Vegas casinos 388 Lash, S. 32 In Latin (language) 15-16 displaced by English 60 Latin America 28,29,64,78,65,128, 148,189 Coca-colonization 313 creolization 318 debt crisis (1982) 103 democratic transitions 133 economic and social restructuring in NICs under liberalization 121-2 economic development attempts 102 embedded liberalism 104 fast-food restaurants 384 free markets 78


global capital flows 275 IMF used to negotiating over sovereign debts 163 inclusion in the West 310 income inequality 135 indigenous movements 15 mestizaje 349 minimum wages 149 nationalism important in 418 new inflows of capital 122 output per person 134 political and economic liberalization 125 repressive military dictatorships and authoritarian regimes 110 shared languages 16 social consequences of structural adjustment 117 social security systems privatized throughout 130 structural adjustment 117,119,124 success of novelists in France 415 syncretism 310, 318 telenovelas 345,354,377 unionization 133 US called to police 311 US drive for open markets and privatization 111 "whitening" or Europeanization for 327 see also Argentina; Bolivia; Brazil; Chile; Colombia; El Salvador; Guatemala; Guyana; Honduras; Mexico; Nicaragua; Peru; Uruguay; Venezuela Latin American civilization 21,23, 24,29,57 Laura Ashley 187 Lauren, Ralph 298 Lavie, Smadar 328 layoffs 118,135,149,236 mass 148 required in advance of privatization 147,148 LDCs (least-developed countries) entities transferred from public to private hands 129 indebtedness of 128 pressure on labor markets 135

League of Nations 97 liberal democracy Lebanon defeat of 289 competing identities and demand for swift progress towards worldviews living cheek-by-jowl 33 354 survival of 39 hybrid practices among Maronite universal authority of 32 youth 345 universal victory/triumph of 40, jazz introduced to music of 352 313 quintessential symbol of 352 Liberal Government (Australia) 394 social change 303 Liberal Party (Canada) 175 Lebanonization 290,293,338 liberalism 21,25,27,86-94 Lechner, Frank J. 408,409,410-21 conspiracy against 73 Leeson, Nick 162 embedded 104 Left (political) 104,105,227,238, political realism and 230 300 universal 237 communist and autonomist liberalization 103,119,124,134,135, traditions 229 137,232 parties 133 capital account 125,275 thinkers on 242 economic 125 legitimacy 59,178,351 exchange control 170 constitutional 172 financial 130,162,202,275 crisis of 259 interest rate 120 fostering 406 international credit and financial global 27 markets 110 military apparatus 220 political 125 no security without 268 rapid 118,143 political 33 unregulated 140 public sphere, democracy, civil liberation 228,241 society and 268 multitude's desire for 230 supreme source of 172 national 235 territorial control over the means search for 222 of 173 liberty 27,39,89,99,296,305 Leigh, Gen. Gustavo 102 civic 98,295 Leitch, Vincent 361 economic, frustrated 91 leitmotifs 353 ethical 286 Lenin, V. I. 300 individual 112 Leninist theories 290 political 141 LensCrafters 385 see also civil liberties Lenway, Stefanie 272 Libya 26,38 Leopold II, King of Belgium 238 licenses 129 Lesotho 137 Liebes, Tamar 193-4 Levant 43,48 lifestyles 292 Levine, Donald N. 157,159-60 imitation of 353 Levitt, Harold 4 imported 395 Levy, Dominique 106,111 mixed 350 Levy, Marion 129 Lilt 358 Lewis, C. 1.33 limited government 141 Lewis, Oscar 70 limited liability 83 LibelAct(1792)88 Lind, Michael 173


Lindblom, Charles 103 lingua franca 15,35, 311,420 linguistics 208 creolist 322,326 Lippmann, Walter 89,93 liquidity 275,283 cultural 396 literacy basic 240 computational 251 literary theory 3,43 literature 340 living conditions 111 deplorable 155 living costs 143,384 living standards 113,147,300 staggering rise in 299 stagnant or falling 171 Lloyd, Vincent 118,146-50 Lloyd George, David 93 localism 338,360 moderate form of 336 retreatist361 triumph of 317 localization 381,390,392,398-9 global 313 Locke, John 52,329 log-normal distribution 82 London 24,37,92,108,115,245,250 role and stature 13 see also Notting Hill Los Angeles 164,221,341,375,386 Grove and Fairfax Farmer's Market 376 Lotteria 395 lower-class youngsters 350 Lueger, Karl 92 Lunchables 371 Lusaka Peace Accord (1999) 238 Luton carnival 357 Luxemburg, Rosa 240 Lyons 93 Lyotard, Francois 281 Maalouf, Amin 352 Maastricht 296 Macaulay, T. B. 52,63 Macfie, A. L. 46n Macintosh computers 193,290

macro-anthropology 333 macroeconomic stability/instability 120,152,153 macrosociology 12 state-centrism in 180 mad cow disease 263 see also BSE Madison, James 297 Madonna 300 madrassas 379 Maffesoli, Michel 361 Mafias 161 Magellan, Ferdinand 5 Mahabharata 326 Mahathir, Mahomed 124,162,312 Mahbubani, Kishore 27,41 Mailer, Norman 300 Maisonrouge, Jacques 210 Malawi 412,414 Malaysia 187,266 currency turmoil 162,202 McDonald's in 398 popularity of Kentucky Fried Chicken 384 tensions between ethnic Chinese and Malays 312 maldistribution 207 arable soil and mineral resources 291 malign civilization 360 Malinowski, Bronislaw 325 Malle, Louis 300 malnutrition 31 Malthus, T. R. 89 mamba muntu genre 322 Manchester 86, 357 Mandela, Nelson 237 Mandeville, Bernard 300 Manet, £douard331 Manouchkine, Ariane 326,330 manufacturing 122 absolute reduction in number of jobs 121 exports per capita 8 2 - 5 labor-absorptive 121 transition from agriculture to 82 Mao Zedong 327 Ma'oz falafel chain 404 maqudadoras 122,136

Marcus, Steven 50 Marcuse, Peter 45,46n, 66-71,245, 252-9 Marjoribanks, Timothy 190 market concentration 135 market failure 107 compensation for 202 market freedoms re-establishing 105 untrammelled 109 market imperative 290-1 market liberalization 134,135 market niches 132 market signals 107 marketing 355 global 369 mass 368 postmodern 240 marketization 119 Maronites 345, 352-4,355 Marrakech Roundtable on Results (2004)77 Marshall, Alfred 107 Marshall, T.H. 130 Marshall Plan 164 Martha Stewart sheets 376 martial arts 397 Martin, Philippe 11 Marx, Karl 44,48, 52, 55,70, 75,107, 182,200,203,253,295,366 analysis of alienation 374,379 capital(ism) 198,379,375 classic formulation of the state 259 modernization thesis 313 Paris Commune response 228 replacement of human labor power by technology 374 Russian communes 236 world history 267 Marxism/Marxists 14,20,21,52,57, 58,65,161,182,183,188,192, 234, 258,299,360,374,408 agency versus structure argument 253 analyses of the international 229 battle for ideas against 107 critical thinking characteristic of 227 cultural studies versus 351


global claims and pretensions 5 imperialism theory 229,290 intellectual 94 narratives of colonialism and its aftermath 59 scientistic predictions of 290 world politics and 230 masculinities 60-1 mass media 187,193 consumption 14-15 fusion of computers and 245 ownership and control of 211,212 perceived role in imitation 353 photo opportunities and juicy one-liners 392 universal availability of 195 mass-production systems 369,391 Massachusetts puritanism 291 Massey, Doreen 331,360 massification 373,377 MasterCard 376 materialism 336 secular 305 Matlock, Jack F. 2 2 , 3 4 - 6 matryoshka dolls 368,369 Matten, Dirk 280 Mazlish, Bruce 5,9,11,15 McCann Erickson 313-14 McCarthyism 108 McCormick, James M. 145 McDonald's 81-2,186,187,288,290, 292,299,367,371,373 battle to prevent restaurant opening 370 community and social capital undermined by 302 cool universalism of 301 cost ofBigMac384 Dollar Menu 385,388 founding of (1955) 370,380 important marketing opportunities for 395 international expansion 385 not possible to escape the ubiquity of392 operating procedures 381 overseas outlets 300,313,314,370, 381-4,387,390,393-407 predictability of 386

Ritzer's analysis of 374,375, 380-1,389,398 service culture based on commitment to equality 394 McDonaldization 289,309,313-15, 316-17,373,374,380-407,409, 410,411,414,415,417 McHappyDay394 Mcjobs 374,398 McLuhan, Marshall 14,15,186,193 McMichael, Philip 12,183,198-202 McNamara, Robert 117,128 McSchools 379 McSpaghetti 398 McTopia 389 McWorld20,160,409 and jihad 288-306,317,338,378 MDBs (multilateral development banks) 77 MDGs (UN Millennium Development Goals) 76-7, 85, 306 Financing Gap 75 means of production 196,226 communications become 235 ownership or control of 188 Mecca 323 Médecins Sans Frontières 238 media 53,178,183,187,188,212, 214,319,354 alternative systems 304 American, influence of 313 audiences theorized as nomadic communities 353 dominance of America over 304 emergence of monopolies in 289 footage to construct distortions 358 global 9,248,267,313 image of Muslims 302 major conglomerates 186 purveyors of nothing 377 racial and sexual stigmas and stereotypes in 358 see also mass media media studies 313 mediascapes 390,400 Mediterranean world 36,403 megastores 403

Melanesia 189 mélange 324,329,348,349,420 global 320,326,327,330, 332 harmonious 352 syncretism as 328 Melucci, Alberto 330 Mendelian genetics 327,348 mercantilism 12,200 Mercator, G. 5 mercenary troops 304 meritocratic elitism 296 mestizaje 315,324,327,348,349 limitation of 327 Metcalfe, Bob 250 methodological cosmopolitanism 262,281,284 methodological individualism 281-2 métissage 315 Mexico 73,101,105,110,134,191, 212,259,316 assets of the richest individual in 122 democracy 415 experience with SAPs 121 FDI from US to 136 film culture 305 financial crises 122,125 financial liberalization 130 government bonds 129 hybrid culture 349 impact of NAFTA on 135,136, 137 income distribution/polarization 122,135 intra-regional trade 169 McDonald's in 383 oil 211 peasants and workers 209 privatization 106,130 real wages 133 struggles over identity 38 substantial portfolio investment 121 telenovelas 377 trade barriers lifted 133 weakened currency 202 Mexico City 189 Meyer, John 9,13,408,412,413,416, 421-2


MfDR (Managing for Development Results) 7 7 - 8 Miami 13 microeconomic efficiency 151 Microsoft 82,191,288 microwave meals 371 middle class 40-1,60,63,299 activist 391 cultural identity of young 354 effeminacy of Bengali men 61 fast-food restaurants catering to 314 icon of unionism 109 rising 300 Middle East 47 arms flows between East Asia and 310 fast-food restaurants 314 free markets 78 global stock market capitalization 275 identified with Great Power politics 53 McDonald's in 381,395,396 "re-Islamization" of 24 territorial integrity threatened 293 US interests in oil region 110 see also Abu Dhabi; Egypt; Iran; Iraq; Israel; Jordan; Kuwait; Libya; Palestine; Saudi Arabia migration Caribbean, peak 357 clandestine 222 continuous 224 cross-border 15 cross-cultural 318 differences between nomads and migrants 354 dispersion of Muslim cultures through 303 flow of economic migrants 392 global 304 international 5,160,286 labor force 222 mass 222 migrant workers networks 118 populations ripe for 137 second-generation immigrants 328

trade and 311 transnational 137 military dictatorships egregious 126 repressive 110 militaryjuntas292,295 military power 28,36 increasing 41 umbrella protection of 103 unrivaled 27 militias criminal organizations 176 violent 302 Mill, John Stuart 52,329 Mills, Sara 62 Milosevic, Slobodan 37 mimicry 62,63,65,354 hybridity as 353 minimum wage 109 frozen or reduced 149 held down to foster international competitiveness 133 purchasing power of 122 minorities 26,337 dissenting 293 global respect for the heritages of 416 obscure leaders elevated to importance 39 protection of 296 states that are confederations of 392 miscegenation 326,349 Mises, Ludvig von 89,107 missionaries 323 Mitchell, Neil J. 145 Mittelman, James 4 Mitterrand, François 164 mixed-race people 319 mixing 341,352 see also hybridization MNCs (multinational corporations) 74,102,118,136,157,159,165, 169,241,293,409 business with local oligarchs 294 carnival sponsorship 358 control over local economies in the hands of 117

extent of relocation 272 footloose 166,168 interaction between states and 10 lack of meaningful national identity 291 local branches in developing countries 137 most assets located in home countries 8 spread of 11 support of 259 viewed as harbingers of American modernization 313 worldwide homogenization of societies through 313 MNEs (multinational enterprises) see MNCs mobility cross-cultural 318 labor 222,223,224 political economy of 350 unrestricted 257 see also capital mobility modernism (arts) 331,348,350 modernity 3,28,128,215,220,223, 226,236,264,265,266,280,293, 327 advanced 260 approximating 235 being-against in 222 building blocks of 235 crises of 221,235 critics of 377 development of 59 distinction between modernization and 284 dividing line between tradition and 360 fundamentalism hostile to 289, 302,303 globalityand4,13,14,16 ideal-type 350 industrial 271,272,277 multiple 310 postmodernity, tradition and 303 processes which led to formation of58 questions about the nature of 138 racially inscribed 237


rationalized 9 reflexive 271,275,276,278,279 religious fundamentalism the harbinger of 303 retreat from 30 rural inhabitants virtually untouched by 153 slavery and 231 society caught between tradition and 352 sweeping power of 40 traditional alternatives to 287 Weber's general sociology of 396 modernization 21,22,24,26,31, 58,133,136,138,236,317, 332 advancing like a steamroller 309 attempted without Westernization 310 discontents of 391 distinction between modernity and 284 impact of 34 incomplete 360 MNCs viewed as harbingers of 313 prerequisite for 14 reflexive 271 represented by TNCs 192 societal (1950s and 1960s) 334 Westernization and 30,40,303 modernization theory 9,127,129, 313,333 good reasons to question and reject 362 Moe, Terry 424 Mogadishu 221 Mohanty, Chandra Talpade 61 monarchy Catholic 418 superseded 197 Monday Club 102 monetarism 108,109,120,171 monetary matters 97 monetary policy deflationary 131 draconian shift in 108 Keynesian 103,104 noninflationary 129

power of global finance to undermine 170 restrictive 135 money creation 202 money markets 170 Monga, Yvette Djachechi 194 mongrelization 324,348 monopoly 91,107,113 consolidation of 130 getting rid of 140 money, markets and 294-5 regulation of 129,131 vehicle for consolidation of power 109 monotheism 294 Mont Pelerin Society 106-7,108 montage 319,324,327 Monterrey Summit (UN 2002) 77 Moore, David 215-16,234-40 morality 31-3,115 Morita,Akio313 Mormon polygamy 323 Morocco 303 Morse, Margaret 363 Morton's steakhouse 371 Mos Burger 383 Moscow 291,313,314,384,385,401 Mosher, Michael 12 Mosley, Layna 133 Mossadeq, Muhammad 110 Movement of Non-Aligned Countries 330 movies 194 MP3 players 81 MTV (Music Television) 290,342,353 Mudimbe, Valentin Y. 61 mulattos 348 multiculturalism 227,311,416 bogus 358 demands for 39 everyday 320 linguistic 294 melting pot 332 overseas Caribbean carnivals 357 politics of 317 previously homogeneous nationstates moved in direction of 392 TNCs quick to take advantage of 406 unease with 351

multilateralism 269,270,306 multilocal corporations 397-8 multimedia 245,247 Multimixers 81 Multinational Monitor 147,148,149, 187 multinationals see MNCs multitude 215,231,236,237-9,241 desires of 219,223 generalized being-against of 222 illiterate 240 insurgent 240 new organization of 228 power of decision of 242-3 programmatic political demand of 225 reappropriation 224,226 role in world politics 229 struggles of216,230,234-5 municipal trading 92 Muniz, Albert M. Jr. 193 Murillo, M. Victoria 133 Murphy, Craig 5 museum audio guides 376-7 music 324,327,341,354,365,368, 377 Afro beat 323 Caribbean 352,345,357 folk 352 hybrid genres 351 Persian 365 popular 316,415 world 326,332,351 see also jazz Muslim Brethren 302 Muslims 40,42,54 daytime 328 four largest populations in the world 298 Hindus and 26,41,295 immigrants and offspring 420 imperatives apply impartially to 293 McDonald's and 395-6,398 number in Europe 304 Orthodox Christians and 26,27 outrage of clerics 352 radical women 302


mutation 223 mutton burgers 383 mutual deterrence 269 Myhre, David 199 mysticism 303 Nader, Ralph 187 NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) 69,131,173,181, 197,201,247,330 Carnegie Endowment report on impact of 132,135 economic integration promoted through 175 foreign investment invited under the auspices of 133 illegal immigration under 137 jobs created under 136 US leadership of 174 Nagasaki 272 Naipaul, V. S. 27,328 nanotechnology 267 Napoleon Bonaparte, Emperor of France 56,69,70,339,418 nation-states 3,4,14,58,64,65,72, 157-81,195,205,210,211,213, 220,361,412 alteration in/weakening of 320 altering the mix of ethnic identities 392 authority of 3,11 borders overthrown 261 citizenship as legal status rooted in 114 competition between 281 control of borders 74 control over own affairs 417 convergent structural similarity 9 demise of 247 development of 196 differentiation of ex-colonies as 63 dominated by economic considerations 20 dualism between international system and 333 formation of 237 functions transformed within order of Empire 241 global cities transcend 13

governing of 74 growing number of 5 - 6 imperialism and 219,236 importance of 21,203 internal security no longer the exclusive province of 261 international relations primarily defined by conflicts between 30 Islam and boundaries of 303 macrophenomenological approach to globalization and 16 mature 201 most powerful actors in world affairs 40 mutual deterrence 269 organizing principle of capitalist politics 200 participatory and self-determining 297 previously homogeneous 392 rebellious factions and dissenting minorities at war with 293 relationship among and between 215 rise of 419 social and political tensions 12 sovereignty 217 sovereignty surrendered to transnational commerce 288 stubbornly different 308 threat to 270,297 transformation of 197,259,282 transnational practices created by 182 national borders diminishing the salience of 290 satellite footprints do not respect 292 national character 309 National Endowment for Democracy 296 national identity 421 challenged 417 concern about viability of 419 crisis of 420 cultural 206 deeply preserved 302 deeply rooted 178

definition of 420 meaningful, lack of 291 overtly hybrid 349 primordial view of 418 pursuit of diversity 414-17 reworked and deployed 230 sworn enemies of 350 threats to 158,178 national income 82,106,121 convergence in 134 growth in 128 national interests 232,269 national security 268, 311 National Socialism see Nazi Germany nationalism 9,40,66,196,290,302, 312,332,338,371,417-19 adapting to politics of 303 aggressive forms of 334 ambivalence about 289,298 chauvinistic 378 cosmopolitanism and 261,285-7 cultural 256,342 entrenched 319 ethnic 334 failure of 24 history in the colonies 63 important role in history 289 lack of attention to importance of 21 long distance 320 methodological 262,281-3 once a force of integration and unification 293 response to universalizing imperialism 419 rise of 91,357 romantic 333 stronger than ethnic loyalties 155 subverted 315 nationality 406 nationalization 110 reversed 102 nationhood 160,291 drive toward 417 language as the key to 312 reluctant allies of 294 NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) 247,268 bombing of Yugoslavia (1999) 385


natural disasters 278 natural law tradition 41 Nazi Germany 349,350,422 Near East 47,53,54 British actions in 70 Negri, Antonio 175,214-43 Nehru, Jawaharlal 24,40 neoclassical economics 107 adherence to 10 neocolonialism 313,330 neo-Confucianism 312 neoconservatism 111 neo-Gramscianism 165,180 neoliberalism 5,12,13,14,72-118,125, 141,142,143,146,170,171,174, 175,178,182,270,411-12,415 alternatives to 119 convergence on 166 fair-weather philosophy 268 global 126,127 institutions and political content of 201 momentum to campaigns 177 structural adjustment and 20 tenets of 261,268 widespread reforms 176 neo-Marxists 183,377,408 neo-Spenglerism 264 Nepal 349 Nerval, Gérard de 47,51 Nestlé 187, 211 Netherlands 160,178 carnivals 357 McDonald's in 398 network society 20,244-59 New Christian Right 392 New Deal 73,108,112 new democratic realism 3 0 5 - 6 New Orleans 326 New Second World 189 new technologies 315 New Testament 100 new world order 218,240-1,269, 293,338 New World plantation societies 325 New York 24,107,115,187,245,306 Armory 378 confrontations at overseas carnivals 358

corporatization of Times Square 378 Disneyfication of 42nd Street 378 grobalization of 378 Harlem Caribbean carnival 357 Indian restaurants 378 investment banks 109,110 Jewish Museum KandinskySchonberg show (2003) 377 Lexington Avenue 378 Madison Avenue 194,292 Manhattan 250 McDonald's 386 MOMA Cinematique 378 role and stature 13 Strand bookstore 378 terrorist attack 301,302; see also September 11 Union Square 378 New York Times 41 New Zealand 64,65,276 Newman, John Henry 52 Newsweek 4\ NGOs (nongovernmental organizations) 116,179,189, 247,305,413 activities of 329 democratic 306 humanitarian 239 labor-education and agrarianreform 238 technocratic 239 transnational umbrella organization for 306 see also INGOs Nicaragua 110,138,383 NICs (newly industrializing countries) 123,124,126,169, 173,192,211 East Asian, development model of 327 economic and social restructuring 121-2 incentives to finance overseas investment 173 systematically negative consequences for 119 Nietzsche, Friedrich 44,222 Nigeria 24, 323, 325

linguistic multiculturalism 294 violence between Muslims and Christians 26 nihonjinron 343 Nike 299,305,373,400,403 Niranjana, T. 61,66 Nirula's 383 Nixon, Richard 5,105,233 Nobel Peace Prize 108,238 nobles 208 nomadism 222,235,239,240,350 hybridity as 3 5 3 - 4 nominal wages 124 nonconformity 98 nonpeople 365,367,374,368 nonplaces 363, 365,367,368,370 nonservices 365-6,367,374 nonspaces 363 non-things 376 Norman, Jessye 300 normative-political cosmopolitanism 262 North Africa immigration to France 24 population growth 25 see also Libya; Morocco North American Indians 62 North Korea 27, 75, 78 arms exports from 310 North-South divisions/polarity 169, 312 Northeast Africa 159 Northern Alliance 304 Northern Ireland 178 Catholics of 288,293 Northwest Frontier (British India) 232 Norway 238,398 nostalgia 290,329, 361,393,404 critiques on 386 native 340 politics of 312 Notting Hill carnival 357,358 nuclear energy 260,264 faith undermined in 268 power plant explosion 271 nuclear war/confrontation most likely route to 2 3 3 - 4 risk of 261,278


nuclear waste 260,263 elimination of 264 nuclear weapons 233 advent of278 arsenals reduced 278 Islamic and Confucian states efforts to acquire 38 prospect of accidents 278 US first use of 233 use at end of Second World War 231 Nunley, John W. 357 Nurse, Keith 344-5,346n, 356-60 obesity 314 objectivity 291 Obrinski, James 238 Occidentalism 312 Occitan France 298 OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) 77,106,187,197,272 declining unionization in 131 government spending 273 gradual shift away from manufacturing 168 gulf between the rich and poor 276 institutional reach of the state 276 literature on union decline 132 Multilateral Agreement on Investment 186 policies of retrenchment 171 savings-investment correlation 170 social inequality 106 taxation policy 273 world trade, production and investment 169 OECD-DAC (OECD-Development Assistance Committee) 76 Office Depot 383,403 offshore movement of jobs 277 O'Guinn, Albert M. Jr. 193 O'Hanlan, Rosalind 59 Ohio 387 National Guardsmen 231 Ohmae, Kenichi 4 oil 53,54,110,151 big companies 165

Great Power rivalries for control of output 121,127,134,155,168 30-1 outsourcing 158 increased prices 120 Owen, Robert 100 see also OPEC ownership rights 101 Okada,Ayal91 Oxfam 238 Old Testament 100 Oxford Dictionary of New Words, The oligarchy 294,296 335 small and powerful 106 Oxydol 195 thinly veiled 297 ozone layer 163 Olympic Games 324 hole in 264 (1988)395 (2008)383 Pacha Mama 328 One Hour Photo (film) 374 Pacific Century 327 Ong,Aihwa 74,111-16,230 paganism 330 OngBeng Seng 187 pagans 26 ontology 220,226 Pakistan 233,268,298 world society 412-14 military technology exchanges OPEC (Organization of Petroleumbetween China and 310 Exporting Countries) 291,293, rivalry between India and 26 304 Palestinians/Palestine 6,54,70,293 oil embargo (1973) 104,109 Pan-Africanism 340 Open Society Institute 306 Pan-Caribbean characteristics 344, openness 122,132,133,166,175,269, 356,357,359 323 Panama 330 factors that influence 82 Panasonic 288 interaction of trade risk and 13 pandemic threat 178 organizational form 10, 83 Panikkar, K. M. 49 organizational sociology 10 Panitch,Leo 12,13 ORiain, Sean 12 Panopticon (Bentham) 89,221,239 Orientalism 20,43-71,31,348 Papson, Stephen 376 recreation/revival of 302,304 paradigm shift 317,348 Orru, Marco 10 paradigms 22,38,40,41,42,99, 110, Ortega y Gasset, Jose 293,295,301 309-21,391,398 Orthodox cultures/civilization 29 brand 376 tensions/violence between contemporary alienated labor 374 Muslims and 26,27 convergence 317,380 Ortiz, Fernando 325 modernization 313 Osama bin Laden 369 nostalgia 329 Oslo 238 statist 37,39 Ossetians 293 technological 247 otherness 269,270,358 Parmenides 362 fragmented 328 Pareto distribution 82 Others 58,59,65,221,304 Paris 101,228,250,314,326 deepest and most recurring images Disneyland 400,401 of47 Escoffier's 389 internal 60 falafel eateries 404 recognition of otherness of 270 fast-food croissanteries 383 sexual 62 McDonald's in 300 women and natives as 63 parish apprentices 87


parochialism 160,294, 296 conditions favorable to 298 guaranteed 295 markets are enemies of 291 particularism 37,290,302,290,303, 338,419 alternative forms of 421 dogmatic and violent 2 9 7 - 8 expectation and construction of 341 tribal mentality of jihad 302 universalism and 310,334,360, 416 partisans 295 Pasadena 389 Pascal, Blaise 362 PATCO (US Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization) 109 paternalism 87,91 pub-closing 291 path dependency 188 patriarchy 122, 349 crisis of 247,256 Patriot Movement 257 Patterson, Orlando 346n, 356 Pauly, Louise 276 pauperism 87 Pax Americana 269 Pax Britannica 234 Payer, Cheryl 122 Pazian localism 361 PC (personal computer) market 81 "peace dividend" 310 Peel, Sir Robert 87 Pemex 122 Penang 187 Peng, KhooKay 187 pension fund managers 163 pension reforms 147,149 Pentagon 231,292 Peoria 415 Pepsi-Cola/Pepsico 82,211,400 perestroika 295 performance management 77 Pericles 291 peripheral areas 120, 206-7,212,237, 265 import of cultural influences 359 input of students from 337

political and economic elite 360 see also center-periphery relations Perkins, John 110 persecution 295 Persian empire 161 personal autonomy 31 personality formation 247 Peru 140 Peters, Tom 82 petrodollars 109,128 PEW polls 378 philanthropy 394 Philippines 27,266,329,330,384 McDonald's in 390,398 philosophy of science 22 physical integrity rights 118,140,143 abuse of 141,142,144 protection of 139 violations of 45,146 Physiocrats 86 Piaf, Edith 299 pidgin contact cultures 322 Pierce, Charles 297 Pierson, Paul 13 Pieterse, Jan Nederveen 16,308, 309-21,326-33,344,347-51, 380 Pinochet, General Augusto 102,121 pirating 376,399 Pitt, William 87 Pittsburgh study 70 Piven, Frances 70 Pizza Hut 314, 383,384,386,387, 400 plagues 277,278 Planet Hollywood 187,397 planetarization 315, 330,332 planning bureaucracies 83 pluralization of experts 267 Poe, Steven C. 144,145 Poland 164,296 peasants and workers 209 pogroms 371 Polanyi, Karl 73, 74n, 86-100,199, 200 police action 220,221 smiling and courteous 357-8 political imprisonment 118,139,144 respect for the right against 145

political interests 44,56 discredited 54 political philosophy 268 political science 3,4,8,10,11,12,13, 15,16 political society 50 political trade-offs 276 politics of identity 14,309 bloody 301 confused and exhilarating pace of 399 subverted to purity and authenticity 315 politics of privilege 237 Polio Campero 384 pollution 132,162,164,165,279 air 163,177,260,264 water 177 polyarchy 233 polyethnicity 341,357 Poor Laws 86,87,89 Amendment Act (1834) 88 pop music 303 Popper, Karl 107 popular culture 292,298,316,323, 345,354,415 cross-cultural stylistic convergence in 331 deterritorialization of 397 local and external 4 0 5 - 6 lowbrow consumer taste influenced by 415 mimicking 353 revered representatives of 401 social protest in 360 ubiquity of 355 well-known icons of 400 population growth 79 spectacular 25 pork products 398 pornographic novels 50 Portes, Alejandro 15, 135 portfolio investment 129 Porto Alegre see World Social Forum Portugal 105 revolutionary transformation 104 tradition of Orientalism 47 posse 225-6 post-Fordism 374,375,392,400,404


postcolonialism 20,43,44,45,328 and its discontents 57-66 TNCs quick to take advantage of 406 postmodernism/postmodernity 7, 20, 53,57,63,66,229,234,240, 334,356, 392 American 218 critique of 351 global 391 hybridity and syncretism in 327 imperial 222 modernity, tradition and 303 passage to 225 quintessential environment 397 resurgent localism of 361 solvent for global capitalism 360 wide-scale acceptance of various ideas 367 poststructuralism 57, 327 Poulantzas, Nicos 13, 196,259 poverty 70,109,117,124,136,147, 155,237 abject 153 borderlessness due to 235 deepened 122 eradication of 76 estimated to have doubled 123 extreme 76,371 globalization of 126,134,306 poor nations supposed to achieve escape from 75 unrepentant Communist states 75 poverty alleviation 146 major program of 123 poverty line 121,134,135 poverty reduction 131,146,151 success in 141 World Bank efforts 146 poverty-trap hypothesis 7 9 - 8 0 power law 82, 83 powerless state myth 166-75,245 PPP (purchasing-power parity) 134 Prague 228,235 Prakash, Gyan 59,61,65 Pratt, Mary Louise 62,325 prayer 303,305 predictability 313,374,380,385,386, 397

haven of cleanliness and 399 prejudice 298 ethnic 294 premarital sex 352 Pret a Manger 384 price controls proliferation of 155 removal of 143 price stability 140 prices fire-sale 123 market 154-5 oil 120 primary education implementation of "user fees" on 130 universal 76 primitive accumulation 235,237,240 primordial groups 159 private sector 119,147 blockage of investments from 358 talented people released into 141 technological change in 162 privatization 101,110,117,124,128, 132,135,140,155,295 aviation security 268 blanket support for 148 downsizing resulting from 118 drive for open markets and 111 emphasized 123 financial industry interest in promoting 149 forced 106 layoffs and 118,147,148 neoliberal415 opposed 112 single-mindedness of World Bank in promoting 149 tainted by long-standing collusions 130 worker safeguards under 149 Procter 8c Gamble 82,195 production 183,377,407 aesthetic 391 antagonistic modes of 248 chemical and biotechnological 271 circuit of capital that involves 375 command-economy models 295 coordinated on a global scale 4

dependent on influx of workers 224 devaluation induces changes in 153 dialectic of 375 efficient 294 empty forms of 374 fast-food 373,374 flexible 244 global 137,216,373, 379 globalized economy based on new systems of 211 hi-tech 379 information-based 249 knowledge and information combined with forces of 244 limited 366 mass 369,391 military 304 national bases of 169-70 new mode of 226 offshore sweatshop 137 proletarian management of 226 reduced time between consumption and 193 standardized 391 states less directly involved in 129 territorial control over the means of 173 transnationalization of 168 utilizing scarce resources for maximizing 155 see also means of production productive capacity 222 inhibited 151 reduction of 121 productivity 128,148,192,206,288 better management and technology increases 129 common 243 cooperative 226 informatized 235 profitability 288,366 profits 186,221 fishing for 305 private appropriation of 254 repatriation of 101,102 structurally adjusting economic composition to 275


proletariat 225,226,228,230,240 investment flows from core to periphery 237 new 224,236 revolutionary vocation of 241 property 200 cooperation annuls the title of 226 power sharing and 389 property rights 254 enforcement of 131 legal guarantees of 202 no mechanisms guaranteeing 208 protecting 129 strengthened 129 see also intellectual property rights protectionism 71,73,89,128,151, 174 ingrained 86 monopolistic 91 national 91 sectoral 12 social 91,200 Protestant ethic 312 Protestants 93,302,422 Prussia 92 psychoanalysis 57,348 psychology 262 industrial 238 market 291 social 422 Public Citizen (network) 187 Public Libraries Act (1850) 92 public sector blockage of investments from 358 well-run systems 149 public utilities 92 Puerto Rico 288,293,383 punk fashion 223 purchasing power 122 eroded by inflation 153 see also PPP puritanism 291 biblical fundamentalism 303 purity 348 blood lineage 317 claim to 349 loss of 327 prelapsarian 327 racial 315,326

ritual 317 tension between emanation and 317 Putnam, R. D. 139,145 Pye, Lucian 23 pyramids 263 Québécois 6,288,293,294 Quesnay, François 86 quotas 120,140 Qur'an 303 race/racial theory 50,59,315, 348, 356 attachments based on 159 colonialist discourse 358 definite views on 52 hierarchy 349 imperial 60 nation and 312 sociopolitical and cultural conflicts based on 359 stigmas of violence, crime and disorder 358 thinking about 317 unity 340 race relations syndrome 358 "race to the bottom" 131,132 racism 54,58,270,315,326,333,348 different roles of 67 Eurocentric 349 implicit 68 increasingly open 2 5 - 6 sexualized 61 threat to replace with indigenous tribal war 294 radical libertarians 131 radical nihilists 289,305 radioactivity 272 rainforests 163,265 burning down 292 Ram, Uri 382,402-7 Ramadan 395 rational-legal administration 127 rationality 90,98,313,410,412,422 common discourse rooted in 291 economic 95,115 expert 267 functionalist 367

instrumental 336 irrationality of380,386-7,388 liberal 112 market 115 McDonald's-style 415 neoliberal 112,113 practical 14 pursuit of secular process/progress 409,413 rationalization 309,313,314,374, 389, 390,410 consumer and producer resistance to 391 culture 415 McDonaldization as 396 Rattansi, Ali 44-5,46n, 57-66 raw materials 110 Raz, Joseph 401 Reagan, Ronald 5,68,103,109,110, 128,164,233 real-estate investments 162 real exchange rate appreciation of 121,125 devaluation of 120 real interest rates 170 annual average 121 rising 151 real wages decline in 124,133,135 falling 120,123 rising 121,126 reallocation of resources 83 reappropriation 224,226 right to 225 recession 102,108,129,147,163 generating high levels of unemployment 109 global 151,157 profound risks associated with 261 Rechtsstaat 172 recolonization 330 red tape 137 redistribution 13,73,104,106,423 social 161 reductionist logic 361 redundancy 277 Reebok 298-9,403 reflation 122,124,171, 172 capital controls to enable 126


reflexivity 390 Reformation 98,422 refugees 235 political 222 reggae 324,345, 357 regional banks 197, 330 regionalization 12,169,174,317 Reich, Robert 8 relativism 32 postcolonial 238 see also cultural relativism relativization 390 religion 54,112,210,247,289,361 anthropology of 320 central force that motivates and mobilizes 40 discriminates sharply and exclusively among people 25 ethnic identities reinforced by revival of 26 globalization shaped by 287 immutable cultural difference based on 312 intercivilizational clashes of culture and 21 revival of 24 sense of self bound up with attachments based on 159 see also Buddhism; Christianity; Hinduism; Islam; Judaism religiosity 303 religious criteria 208 religious fundamentalism 9,24,27, 41,162,256,257, 303 American preachers 302 new expressions of 294 revivalism often expressed as 391 rise of 38 theocratic 295 see also Christian fundamentalism; Islamic fundamentalism; Jewish fundamentalism religious movements 309 Relph, Edward C. 363 remittances 118,125 beneficial effects for economic development 138 growing importance of 137 Renaissance 55,98

Renan, Ernest 50,50,52 Renault sedans 299 rent-seeking 155 replication 376 repression 102,110,139,140,143, 144,145,190,224,295 police 220 potential 178 Republican Party (US) 105,111,112 reservations 317 resistance 40,123,131,141,165,185, 222,241,416 aesthetic of 356 ambivalence and 61-3 consumer and producer 391 critical 329 effective 240 emotional labor a prominent site for 401 global 199,381 McDonaldization 314 micropolitical expression of 243 nostalgic 361 past/collective 329 Pazian 360 power preceded by 240 ritual of 345 symbolism of 329 targeted 256 trenches of 257 widespread 234 world culture 409 resistance movements border-spanning 118 rising efficacy of multitude of 202 resource allocation 83 efficient 151,154,155 reliance on physical controls for 152 resource imperative 290,291 resurrection 263 reterritorialization 218 Review (journal) 212 Ricardo, David 87,107 Right (political) 242,274 Radical 302 rights 99,114 citizenship 224 equal 39

global 268 IMF/World Bank policies undermine 146-50 individual 111, 424 juridical-legal 115 labor 149-50,378 minority 309 reappropriation 225 sacrificed for the sake of security 270 social 113 see also civil rights; human rights; physical integrity rights; property rights; women's rights Rimsky-Korsakov, Nikolai 365 Rinso 195 Rio conference (1992) 164 risk-aversion 83 risk externalities 271,272 Risk Society Thesis (Beck) 271-80 risk-taking 266 rituals aesthetic and symbolic 360 upper-class 300 Ritzer, George 313,32 In, 345-6, 361-79,383-8,389,390,391, 392,398 rivalry 26,309 economic 21,30,31 Great Power control of oil 30-1 hegemonic 310 interregional 317 Robertson, Roland 4,5,11,46n, 160, 319,321,334-43,345,361,373, 377,415,416,419,420 Robinson, William I. 158,179-80, 183,195-202,233 Rockefeller, John D. 107 Rodrik,Dani4,12,13 Rolex366 Rolling Stones concerts 365, 366 Roman Empire 16,40,161,203,218, 228,234,269 Roman law 200 Romance languages 15 Romanticism/Romantics 312,331, 333,339,350 Roosevelt, Archie 26 Roosevelt, Theodore 93

Index rootedness 350 rootlessness 339 Rostow, W. 68,69 Rotary Clubs 189,394 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 243,297,340 Rowan, B. 421 Royal Dutch Shell 159,211 Ruggie, J.G. 179 rule of law 27 universal 296 ruling class executive committee of 259 global 195-6 Rushdie, Salman 328,352 Ruskin, John 52 Russia 40,293,392 before militias and criminal organizations 176 cooperative relations with 28, 310 domestic, foreign, security and defense policies 268 egalitarian ethos 393 folk art/schlock and kitsch 369 growth as tourist destination 369 growth of the oil economy 304 invasion of Afghanistan 304 Japan called to contain 311 lacking in domestic capability 173 McDonald's in 313,314,381,383, 384,393-4,396,401 nostalgia 393 pogroms 371 SAAs 141 small and powerful oligarchy 106 sociology of 210 struggles over identity 38 subsidized housing and social rights 113 suspicion of Western cultural institutions 393 tense relations between Muslims and 26 tradition of Orientalism 47 Tsarist empire 161 USA Trade Center in Far East 189 weakened currency 202 Russian language 16 Russianization 24 Rwanda 422

Saab 193 SAAs (structural adjustment agreements) 118,139,140,141, 142,143,145,146 impacts of 144 sabotage 243 Sachs, Jeffrey 68,75-6,79,85,305 Sacy, Silvestře de 50 Saddam Hussein 158, 294 Safari perfume 298 Safire,William 111 Said, Edward W. 43,44,46n, 47-54, 55,56,57,59,60,65,66,71,232, 304, 328 Saint-Hilaire, Geoffroy 52 Sakamoto, Yoshikazu 12 samizdat 292 Sample, Glen 195 Samsung 211 Samurai 331 San Bernadino 81 sanctions 41,132 enforcement of 201 Sandino, A. N. C. 110 Santeria 328 Santiago Catholic University 102 Säo Paulo 250 Sarajevo 26,221 Sarkozy, Nicolas 72 SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) 178,261,278 global panic associated with outbreak 277 Sartre, Jean-Paul 65,341,362,377 Sassen, Saskia 12,69,115 Saudi Arabia 40,109,304 dependence on influx of workers 224 McDonald's in 395 savings 170,172 Saxony 290 Scandinavia 104,105 forests 164 see also Denmark; Iceland; Norway; Sweden Schiller, Dan 374 Schlesinger, Arthur M. 39 Schmitt, Carl 113,114,302 Schölte, Jan Aart 46n

Schônberg, Arnold 377 schooling 60 Schor, Juliet 193 Schrank, Andrew 133,136 Schumpeter, Joseph 370 Schwarzenegger, Arnold 300 science and technology 292 scientific knowledge 247 scientific progress 291 Scotland compulsory vaccination 92 identity 6 universities 61 Scott, Gerald 150-6 Sealy mattresses 376 Seattle 69,201,235,228,240 secession 32,293 Second World 195,218 Second World War 108,231 sectarianism 293,294 secularism 40-1,220,297,302 aggressive 289,305,306 securities markets 265 security 269,310 aviation 268 protection 276 rights sacrificed for the sake of 270 territorial control over the means of 173 unraveling of geopolitical games 310 see also national security self-affirmation 194 self-determination 270,289,293, 297,298,330 demand for 293 right to 282,420 struggles for 286 self-fulfilling prophecies 263 self-government 295 desire for 296 self-identification 256 hybrid 344,347,349,351 self-interest 112,164 self-organization 226 self-regulating markets 73,86,88,89, 90,93,94,95,96 damage to 91


self-reliance 141 semiperiphery 203,206-7,212 Sen, Amartya 306 Seoul 395,397 September 11 (2001) attacks 231, 233,260,264,269,289,305 collapse of language that occurred on 263 horrific images of New York 267, 268 one obvious consequence of 304 Ritzer's interpretation of 378 Serbs 40 language not now Serbo-Croatian 41 nationalist cause of Greater Serbia 37 Orthodox 27 simmering violence between Albanians and 26 serial polyandry 323 Servan-Schreiber, J.-J. 186 service culture 393 Seurat, Georges 331 seven-day week 5 sexual gratification 385 sexuality 223,356 crisis of patriarchy redefines 247 excessive 62 Foucault's work on 59 Shah of Iran (Mohammad Reza Pahlavi) 110 Shakespeare, William 70,326,330, 341,362 Shanghai 115 Sharabi, Hisham 327 share values 304 Shein, Ella 404 Shell see Royal Dutch Shell Shi'ite Islam 303 Shils, Eduardl59 Shinohon 395 Shinto-Buddhist-Confucian civilization 310 Shklar, Judith 302 shock therapy 106,108 shocks 121,162 Shohat, Ella 327

shopping 291,300 entertainment 299 one-stop 387 shopping malls 299,383,376,385 exportation of 375 television-promoted 294 Third World 193 Western youth gravitate toward 395 Sikhs 295 Silicon Valley 292 Silk Road concerts 365 Silva, Patricio 135 Simmel, Georg 362 simulation 251,376,389 and dissimulation 353 electronic 389 Singapore 13,40,83,187,189 catalyst for internationalization strategies 173 Confucian ethic 312 dependence on influx of workers 224 explosive growth of 115 GDP per capita 172 global capital flows heading for 275 identity often referred to as Anglo-Chinese 349 Loveburger 393 McDonald's in 398,401 state institutions acting as "midwives" 274 Singh, Khushwant 41 Single Alternative Fallacy 40 Sinha, Mrinalini 60,61,63,66 Sinhala Buddhists 349 Sinhalese 40 Sink civilization 29,312 Sino-Soviet split 38 SIS (UK Secret Intelligence Service) 178 Six Acts (1819) 88 Sklair, Leslie 14,165,180,182,183, 184-95,203,204n, 210-13 slavery 31,70,97 abolition of 5,63 Arab dealers and black slaves 26 camouflage of 99

justifications of 52,93 modernity and 231 social labor incubated in the form of 200 Slavic-Orthodox civilization 21, 24, 26 Slim, Carlos 106 Slovakia 295 Slovenes 40 Slow Food Movement 370 slumps 164 see also Great Depression small and medium business enterprises 165 Smeeding, Timothy 276-7 Smith, Adam 85,87,89,95,107,300 Smith, Anthony 15,16 Smith, Michael Peter 257 Smithsonian Institute 231 smokestacks 279 soap operas 194,345,354,377 wholesale adoption by television 195 social capital 35,225,229 McDonald's undermines community and 302 social change 250,258,280,300, 303, 327 agencies of 251 multidimensional 246,247,248 social democracy 21,103 fiscal retrenchment in bulwarks of 171 Social Democrats 93 social equality 289 social failure 164-5 social inequality 106,177 social injustice 289,306 social justice 294,378 potent weapon on the side of 45, 71 social mobility 350 social movements 5,105,110,186-7, 211,255-6 cultural 248,257 gay and lesbian 247,257 global 178 particularistic 303 popular 166


radical 185 resistances expressed by 165 tribal or particularistic 303 violently repressed 102 social myths 165 social networks 249,333 rise of 136 social norms 352 social organization 249 central features of 391 global 9 multiplication of 12 networks a very old form of 248 priority of global capitalism over 68 secular tenets of 90 structural forms of 320 social policy 358 social protection 131,132,200 social reality 198,350,406,418 paradigm of 99 social recognition 194 social security privatization 130,147, 149 social structure 246,247,248,252, 256,257,265,381,407 sea change in 349 theorizing as interactive information networks 249-51 world 424 social theory 195-202,336,373 productivist bias in 373 social transformations 128 most important 299 nation-level 136 seemingly irreversible 138 social wage global 236 right to 224-5 social welfare construction of governing institutions 131 indicators of 135 institutions promoting/enhancing 130,133 protest against reductions in programs 143 state capacity to provide benefits 132

socialism 21,73,100,104,105,176, 222,242,395 battle for ideas against 107 failure of 24 national economies within the framework of world-economy 207 potentiality of 182 promise of freedom 99 rise of 91 third way between capitalism and 295 uncompromising opponents of 92 Utopian 236

Socialist International 189 sociality 311 socialization 195 crisis of patriarchy redefines 247 sociology 3,4,12,13,14,15,47,50, 51,56,61,66,138,158,210,281, 355,374 body of thinking virtually unknown in 361 comparative 10,11,16-17,180, 364 contribution to transnational studies 179 cosmopolitan 262 critical 259 functionalist 58 globalization in 7,203,332-3 insights from institutionalism 421-4 macro-micro distinction 338 nation-state and 159-60,282 network society 246-52 nineteenth-century 95 philosophy turned into 283 Weber's 396 world-society approach 9 soft drinks 82,358 software supremacy 292 solidarity 165,178,189,190,248, 260, 261,270,295 difference-based 235 ethnic 287 global 216,237,238,239 national 262,287 political 286

religious 287 social 108,286 something-and-nothing concept 361, 362,363-79 Somoza (Garcia), Anastasio 110 Sonntag, Selma 303 Sony211,313 Sorokin, Pitirim 34 Soros, George 162,306 South Africa 237 campaign to force corporations to divest in 187 emergence from apartheid 294 most-watched television programs 292 neoliberal members of Communist party 236 South America see Latin America South Asia 9 see also Afghanistan; Bangladesh; Burma; India; Pakistan; Sri Lanka South Korea 11,78,187,292,383 anti-neoliberal protestors 111 attack on powerful labor unions 123 catalyst for internationalization strategies 173 chaebol 125,211 Confucian ethic 312 firms and labor unions 10 foreign debt to finance industrialization 125 foreign investors allowed to purchase shares of companies 123 investment as a percentage of GDP 170 market for car parts 124 McDonald's in 393,395,399 military-governed, free market flourished in 292 savings 170 Spam an integral feature of cooking 398 state institutions acting as "midwives" 274 weakened currency 202 South Pacific 291


Southeast Asia 16 common self-understandings of societies 312 embedded liberalism 104 ethnographic study of McDonaldization 405 foreign investors in 122 income inequalities contained 106 neoliberalism 112,113,115 structural adjustment 119-27 Western leverage over 41 zoning technologies 115 see also Burma; Cambodia; Indonesia; Philippines; Singapore; Thailand; Vietnam Southern Cone (Latin America) 121 Southern Europe 314 Southwest Asia 28 souvenirs 3 6 4 - 5 , 3 6 7 - 8 , 3 6 9 sovereignty 114,160,172,214,297, 330 anarchistic 97 borders of 222 capital has globalized the system of 241 central distinction between autonomy and 269 conflict the foundation and raison d'etre for 221 de facto as well as dejure 208 emergency and 301-4 eroded 420 fear of encroaching on the barriers of238 genealogy of 231 international capital mobility seems to imply loss of 276 locked within territorial borders 349 markets are eroding 291 monetary 97 new forms of 215 political 290 popular 286 postmodern 229 seeing through 229-34 state-nation 240 struggles over 237 supranational 220

surrendered to transnational commerce 288 unsettling established practices of 113 see also imperial sovereignty Soviet bloc 30 collapse of 222 Soviet Union 25,39,99,103,108, 296,393 Cold War 292 collectivism and state planning 72 dissident movements 101 hyperdisintegration 293 labor unity 189 photocopying and fax machines in universities 292 rapid growth of 78 US alliance with 108 Soviet Union breakup/collapse 14, 38,40,176,190,216,369 disappeared almost overnight 290 entities forged from residues 295 nonsocialist republics 293 weapons and nuclear materials on open market 233 Soysal, Yasemin 160 space 245,258,259 advertising colonizes 299 always open 230 denationalized 283 depoliticization of257-8 hybrid national 352 prayer 305 striated 221 transformed 250 Spain 104,105,178,384 firms and labor unions 10 Left acquiring state power 105 limpieza de sangre 317 separatists 293 tradition of Orientalism 47 Spam 398,399 Spanish empire 161 Spanish language 16 special administrative regions 74 special economic zones 74 special group rights 39 speculation 171,202 Speenhamland system 87

Spencer, Herbert 89,92 Spinoza, B. 223 spiritual mysticism 303 Spivak, Gayatri C. 46n, 57,65,66,328 Sri Lanka 278,296,349 stagflation 108,109 stagnation 155 standardization 53,336,398 clear expectations of 393 consumer products and practices 373 cultural 309,326 general tendencies toward 377 industrial 382 McDonaldization's emphasis on 400,404 tastes and desires 14 worldwide 313 standing armies 131 Starbucks 82,383,395 state autonomy 258-9 state-centrism 180,181,185,186, 210,211,212,213 globalization threatens to displace 184 state-owned enterprises 127 see also privatization state planning 72, 75,85 battle for ideas against 107 state power changes in 173 enhanced importance of 167 international 233 Left acquiring 104,105 overstating 171 reduced and redefined 172 resilience of 175-9 state violence 304 statism37,39 socioeconomic restructuring of 248 status-groups 207-8 Statute of Artificers 86 Stavenhagen, Rodolfo 165-6 Stephens, John 13 stereotypes 68,351,359 Arab 353 cultural 53,54 racial and sexual 358 wandering Jew 350


Stevens, Wallace 49 Stiglitz, Joseph E. 110,148,150 stigmas 358,359 stock exchanges 162,242 major 275 stock markets 140,170, 366 capitalization of 275 collapses 163 Staler, Ann Laura 59 Stonehenge 263 Stopford, John 10,12 Storper, Michael 314 Strange, Susan 10,12,157,161-6 strategic alliances 191,244 strong leaders 155 strong states 158,170,171,172,173, 174,195,206,208 structural adjustment 110,147-56 economic impact/effects of 117, 141 global 119-20 human rights effects of 138-46 neoliberalism and 20,72 short-term consequences in Asia 122-6 social consequences of 117, 127-38 see also SAAs structural employment crisis 277 structural functionalism 333 structuralism 250,406 Stryker, Robin 13 student movements (1968) 101 subcontractors 137 subjectivism 250 subjectivities 235,236,309 collective 226,242 everyday production of 230 sea change in 349 sub-Saharan Africa 16,151,242,244 output per person 134 subsidiaries 191 foreign banks and securities firms 123 subsidies 102,140,154,191 removal of 143 subsistence economies 207 Sudan 25,26,316 Suez Canal 44,56

suffragette movement 63 Sufism 303 Suharto, Raden 124,163 suicide bombers 268 sulphur pollution 163 Sultan-Galiev, M. K. 327 Sumner, W. G. 89 Sunday liquor-sales 291 sunk costs 125 Sunni Islam 303 SUNYBinghamton212 Super-Pharm 403 suppliers 137 supranational forces/institutions 160, 196-7,247 surveillance mechanisms 358 surveillance states 261,269,270 swamis 324 Swanson, Guy 422 sweatshop production/labor 132, 138,236,241 offshore 137 Sweden 103,160,164,171,387 carnivals 357 investment as a percentage of GDP 170 Rehn-Meidner plan 105 savings 170 state institutions acting as "midwives" 274 state protection 176 Swedish-design furniture 388 Switzerland 160,189,298 carnivals 357 McDonald's in 384 once insular culture 292 populist, far-right parties 178 separatists 293 tradition of Orientalism 47 Sydney 394 syncretism 315, 317,319, 320,324, 326,328,332,390 celebration of 327 cultural 327 Latin America and Caribbean steeped in 318 synergy 324,325 syphilis 277 systemic risks 267

Szeman, Imre 226-8 Sznaider, Natan 260,261,262, 280-5 taboos 315,325,348,352 Taipei 397,401 Taiwan 11,35,162,211 catalyst for internationalization strategies 173 Confucian ethic 312 McDonald's in 394,396,398,401 military-governed, free market flourished in 292 savings and investment 170 state institutions acting as "midwives" 274 Tajiks 40 Talbott, Shannon Peters 313 Taliban 304 American 305 militarized images of 302 Tamils 40,293,295 Tan, Vincent 187 tariffs 102,129 cutting 124 eliminating 137,140 lowering 140 reduction of 120 removing 120,129 Tatarstan 293 Tawney, R. H. 209 tax breaks 109 deficits incurred by 176-7 tax evaders 163 tax havens 163 taxation 131,154,166,268 administration of 129 declining bases 274 eliminating 137 exemption from 132 forced competition to reduce 272 redistributive 164 reform of 120 reformed systems 129 relatively high 168-9 revenues 273 value-added 129 Taylorism237,314,400 TCBY 383


TCC (transnational capitalist class) 161,165,182-3,184,185, 188-92,194,196 tea culture 305 technical progress 267 technocapitalism 374 Technoculture 328 technological change 162 acceleration of 387 technological development 257,259 technological innovations 163 technoscapes 390,400 Teen Murti School of Contemporary Studies 310 teenagers 384 wealthy 372 tefsir collections 303 Teilhard de Chardin, Pierre 313 Tel Aviv 403,404 telecommunications 165,191,250 new social technologies 315 telegraphic and signaling codes 5 telemarketing 373,374 telenovelas 345,354,377 Televisa212 television 211,353 favor of less costly imports 352 glocalization strategies 342 hybrid genres 351 interactive 391 large-scale networks 391 networking conceptualizers 194 wholesale adoption of soap opera 195 telos 225 terms of trade 151,154 territorial communes 256 terrorism 54,158,288,301,305-6 fundamentalist 378 global 176,177-8,261,264 government attempts to separate Islam from 302 increased public awareness of 176 risks of 260 threat of 263-70 see also September 11 attacks Tet 232 Thailand Assembly of the Poor 126

currency turmoil 162, 202 dependency problems 125 financial crisis (1997) 125 foreign investors able to buy assets at fire-sale prices 123 GDP declining 122 international emergency and humanitarian assistance 278 Thatcher, Margaret 5,68,103,108 theme parks 186 theocracy 162,295,305 theology 317 political 301-4 think-tanks 108,269 third-wave technologies 200 Third World 38,67,104,191,195, 218,235,322 advising and supporting of military and police forces 233 capitalism and development prospects 191 debt crisis (1982) 128 democratic experiments in retribalizing societies 295 disadvantaged bargaining position with respect to foreign investors 131 First World states exploit 186 flight from 222 flow of ideas and practices from 341 governments competing for FDI 132 governments must behave as unusually upstanding global citizens 130 important cities 189 inability or unwillingness to enforce fair labor practices 138 indigenous globalizers 192 intellectuals 323 intervention to produce "stability" in 233 Jubilee 2000 and debt-service payments 306 major transformations 136 malls catering to expatriates 193 number of TV sets per capita 212 proto-professionals from 337

special manufacturing areas 132 TNCs211 unions, foundations and universities zealously nurturing contacts in 296 US Cold War policy in 232 WFTU membership 190 world attention drawn to the issue ofdebt 138 Thirty Years War ( 1618-48) 294 Thompson, Grahame4,8,12,172, 174 Thornton, William H. 345,346n, 360-1 Tiananmen Square 101 Tibetans 6,40,349 China's ruthless policy toward 26 TIE (Transnational Information Exchange) 187 Tim Hortons (coffee shops) 383 time 260 time-boundedness 258 time-space and homogeneity-heterogeneity 334-43 TNCs (transnational corporations) 125,165,183,184,190,192,210, 330,409 fair competition between indigenous firms and 191 Fortune Global 500 list of biggest by turnover 211 global personal finance control 186 governments and 188 interests of those who own and control 211-12 McDonald's not typical 381 needs and wants of expatriate executives and officials 193 proliferation of 159 quick to take advantage of multiculturalism, postcolonialism, and ethnography 406 sponsorship of festivals 358 subordinating peripheral economies to 120 UN work with 189 views of 187


TNPs (transnational practices) 180, 184-5 TNS (transnational state) 183,195, 198-202 rise of 196-8 Tocqueville, Alexis de 296 token money 96 Tokyo 115,250,314,384 Disneyland 401 Tomlinson, John 330,341,416 Tommy Hilfiger 187 Tônnies, Ferdinand 360 Toronto 357, 358 torture 31,92,118,139,144,145 totalitarian regimes 54,289,293,295 genocidal 33 prospect of 305 Toulouse Lautrec, Henri 331 tourism 5,318,319,322,361 disruptions to 277 grobal 367,368,369 imperialism ruining 299 instances in which it stimulates production of something 367 local souvenirs and trinkets 365 major attractions 358 supplying increasing demand 369 Townsend, Joseph 87 toxins 279 Toynbee, Arnold 23,34,36, 310 Toyota 211 Toys 'R' Us 383 trade associations 291 trade barriers elimination of 101 lifted 133 removal of 132 trade deficit 121,127 trade liberalization 123,125 trade union law 93,94 trade unions 69,91,96,98,102,104, 108 attacks on 109 communist 189 freedom of contract abused by 93 role in economic development 150 transnational 189 see also CIO; ICFTU; unionization; WFTU

transculturation 311,324,325,333, 359 affinities 330,331 transmission of technologies 76 transnational cooperative networks 260,261,268,269 Transnational Corporations in World Development (UNCTC publication) 187 transnationalism 5,15,20,115, 157-8,170,179-202,360, 396-9 class coalitions 126 cultural politics of 230 lobbies 291 networks 118,136-8,329 see also TNCs; TNPs; TNS transparency 165 transportation 5,40 advances in 137 fast 250 travel agencies 312 traveler's checks 186 triad regions (Western Europe, North America, Japan) 8,274-5 tribalism 236,294,296,302,303,337, 338 dialectical source of 361 hallmarks of 295 trickle-down effect 143 Trilateral Commission 189 Trinidad 314,328,344,345,356-60 Tripartite Commission 165 True, Jacqui 230 trust 266 active 267 not easy to establish 32 violations of 152 TUC (UK Trades Union Congress) 189 Turkey/Turks 36 McDonald's 395, 398 migrants/minorities 16,26 struggles over identity 38 women 303 Turkic peoples 23,26 Turkishness312 Turkmenistan 41 Turner, Bryan S. 277-8,282,289, 301-4,381,382n, 393-6

Turning Point 410 Tutsis 29 TVGlobo212 Twin Towers see September 11 attacks two-level games 139 tyranny 305 Ukiyo school 331 Ukraine 293 see also Chernobyl Ulamas 115 Ulster 159 ultra-imperialism 233 Umkhonto we Sizwe 329 UN/United Nations 6,72,75,137, 197,238 Department of Economic and Social Affairs 187 Earth Summit 340 indigenous peoples fully recognized (1982) 341 Secretary-General 75,306 Security Council 27 see also IMF; International Red Cross; MDGs; Monterrey Summit; UNCTAD; UNCTC; UNESCO; World Bank; WTO uncontrollable risk 264 UNCTAD (UN Conference on Trade and Development) 187 UNCTC (UN Centre on Transnational Corporations) 187 underclass 69,161 underemployment 277 unemployment 13,90,98,99,135, 136,161,194 aggravating 91 alienation of young men as a result of302 estimated 124 global 277 high levels of 109,132 mass 95 more than doubled 121 people moved from low productivity jobs to 148 promoted 149


unemployment (cont'd) rising 105 shooting up 146 surging 104,147 throwing much of the burden on public funds 87 unemployment insurance 123 UNESCO (UN Economic, Scientific and Cultural Organization) 212, 413,416 unethical practices 137 unfr eedom 99 uniformity 289,290 cultural 326,402,405 fear of/worry about 417,420 global 417 standardizing 419 structural 382,406,407 subnational factions in permanent rebellion against 293 tendency toward 319 uniformization 309 unilateralism 261,269 militarist 378 Unilever 195,211 unionization 190 declining 131 increased rates of 133 United Kingdom see Britain United States 22,38,50, 53, 54,64, 65,78,129,165,259,263,423 apathy of the electorate 133 arguments prior to war with Iraq (2003)158 campaigns against TNC policies 187 deficit financing 74 civilizational paradigm may have implications for 39 clash of civilizations encouraged 39 coercive influence of 103 command economy during Second World War 108 consumer markets dominated by successful brands 82 consumption 299 controls over CFC gases 164 crossover culture 327 cultural homogeneity 362

cultural social movements 248 dependence on influx of workers 224 differentiation combined with connection 14 dynamic division of labor 201 economic issues between Europe and 26 enemies everywhere 221 English challenged as the dominant language 15 fast-food restaurants 384 FDI136,169 firms competitive in global economy 10 flow of funds into Europe 186 folk art 369 foreign policy 186,269, 304 freezing of labor 98 global hegemony 232 global issues effectively settled by 27 global stock market capitalization 275 government spending 273 hours and intensive nature of work 193 illegal immigration of Mexicans to 137 imitation of everything from 353 imports from 370 inability to control and regulate economic agents 157 informational technology 244 Islam well established in 304 Israel's arms sales to China of particular concern to 310 job losses among low-skilled workers 131 leading power of international capitalist system 185 minimum wages 149 monetary orthodoxy 90 national income 106 neoliberalism 111 nuclear weapons use at end of Second World War 231 policing Pacific, Caribbean and Latin America 311

political identity 39 PPP 134 privatization of social security 130 real developments in inner cities 69 regulatory reform (early 1970s) 105 religious fundamentalism 257,302 renewal of interventionism 233 rise as New World settler state 201 sociology of 210 state institutions acting as "midwives" 274 state protection 177 stock market 126,127 strong international leverage 173 tax 169,273 terrorist attacks 278 TNCs 186 trade 11,38,169 underlying differences between China and 26 unilateralism 261,269 well-run public sector systems 149 women from Africa who found asylum in 194 world leader in production 375 see also Albright; Bush; Carter; Clinton; Federal Reserve; Friedman, M.; Johnson, L. B.; Kissinger; McDonald's; NAFTA; Nixon; Reagan; Rockefeller; Roosevelt, T.; also under headings below prefixed "US" Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UN 1948) 41,330 universalism 37,280,301,309,313, 338,415,419 consumerist313 Enlightenment 293,294 ethical 286 particularism and 310,334,360, 416 universities 241,296,395 elite 65,69 Irish 61 Scottish 61 Soviet 292 University of Chicago 102,108,135


Uno, Saika 133 upper class 60,62 restoration of economic power 109, 111 rituals and symbols 300 styles of life and leisure 299 threatened 105 Upper Palatinate 279 upward mobility 172 uranium 278 urban development zones 74 urban guerrilla warfare 140 urban sociology 250 urbanization 127,136 adapting to 303 consequence of 315 Uruguay 398 US Census Bureau 39,349 US Congress 105,263,268 US Constitution 218,232,234,281 Articles of Confederation (1777) 296 US Department of Homeland Security 178 US imperialism 67,109-10,215,218, 232,234,241,330 "irreversible" defeat of 233 US intelligence agencies 266 see also CIA; FBI US National Defense Strategy 101 US State Department Arabists 54 Community of Democracies 306 US Trade Representative 201 US Treasury 110 de facto control over proceeds of Mexican oil company 122 USAID (US Agency for International Development) 189 promoting replacement of publicly-funded social security systems 130 use of force 232 user-pays systems 276 USSR see Soviet Union utilitarianism 89 utility 275 Utopian fantasies 75 Uzbekistan 41

value-added activities 172 value-added chain 14 value-founded communes 247 values 28,111,256,360 alternative 249 American 378 Asian 312 basic 27 central 107 citizenship 115 democratic 294 egalitarian 247 family 300 global 294,345 indigenous 27 liberal 31 local 345 national 178 political 294 universal 25,378,418 Van der Veer, Peter 59 Van Gogh, Vincent 331,365 vegetarianism 392 veiling 302 Velvet Curtain 310 Venezuela 140,211 Vernon, Raymond 11,13 vertical disintegration 391 vested interests 165 Vico, Giambattista 69 Victoria's Secret boutiques 371 Vienna 92-3 Vietnam 29, 75,231,232-3, 375 Vietnamization policy 233 village culture 23 Virgin of Guadeloupe 328 virtuality245,247 Visa 376 Viswanathan, Gauri 60,61,66 Vodun 328 Volcker, Paul 108,109,110 Volkswagen 211 voluntary organizations 329 Wacquant, Loic 70 Wade, Robert 8,12,170 wage inequality 11 wages

low 143,136 poverty-level 136 stagnating 299 Wales 290 Walker, John 305 Walker, R.B.J. 231 Wall Street Journal 234 Wallerstein, Immanuel 203, 205-9, 212,213,311,337,338, 361,408, 414,419 Wal-Mart 383 Walras, Leon 107 Wang Laboratories 82 war on terror 233,277,305 warlords 161,236 political alliances and networks between 303 Washbrook, David 59 Washington 108,149,187 horrific images of 267 massive increase in fast-food restaurants 370 protests against global institutions of capital 228,240 terrorist attack on 302 Washington Consensus 126, 199 water pollution 177 Waters, Malcolm 311,380-1, 389-92,400 Watney, Simon 61 Watson, Adam 231 Watson, James L. 367,381, 382n, 396-9,401 Watt, James 5 weak states 158, 170,171,172, 174, 195,206,208,209 wealth 110,139,142, 371-2 accumulation of 143,422 concentration in upper echelons of society 106 control of 105 creation of 218 crystallized into capital 200 enormous 155 explosion of 299 management of 250 nothingness and 372 reappropriated from capital 226 redistributed 73


wealth (cont'd) replacing taxes on 129 spread and distribution of 272 weapons proliferation 26 see also nuclear weapons Weber, Max 58,196,303,312,313, 364,371,377,382,396,422 Weigel, George 24 Weimar Republic 33,109 Weiss, Linda 157,166-75,274 Weissman, Robert 118,146-50 welfare98,99,103, 111, 155,161,164 constructing a variety of systems 104 cuts in 110,117,140 diminution of entitlements 276 discretionary government spending on 261 downward pressure on government spending for 13 exceptions to neoliberalism can both preserve benefits 113 growth of new-right doctrines about need for 274 material 88,91 see also social welfare welfare states 177,273 building 104 development and organization of 264 dismantling or rolling back commitments of 108 global capitalism is compatible with 13 inability to pay for generous social benefits 13 indispensable key to the rise of 265 need to preserve and improve 175 retrenchment 13 risk calculations 271 strong 104,109 viability of 16 well-being31,73,103,269,270 collective 280 consequences for livelihood and 111 improved 102 increased 127 material 299

moral 298 social 13 Welsh identity 6 Wendy's 314,383 West Africa 326,411 West Germany 78,109 West Indian immigrants see Caribbean Western civilization 21,24,29 beginning of 100 common cultural traits 36 conflict between Islamic and 25 game played out within 28 two major variants 23 vulnerability of 268 Western Europe end of Second World War 278 renationalization or reethnification trend 282 Western hegemony 340 civilizational310 hybridity talk a function of decline of 344,349-50 Westernization 137,317,320,332, 356, 395 attempt at modernization without 310 emphasis on the role of 362 implied argument with 327 latest versions of 313 modernization and 30,40,303 Russianization versus 24 Westney, Eleanor 342 Westphalian system 13,157,161, 164,166,183,196,232,261,270, 272,349 deepening of 276 Weyland, Kurt 133 WFTU (World Federation of Trade Unions) 189,190 Whistler, James McNeill 331 White Dominions 65 White Man's Burden 311,317,348 WHO (World Health Organization) 340 Whoppers 366 Williams, Raymond 52,54 Williams, Robin 374 Williams, William Appleman 234

Williamson, Jeffrey 9 Wilson, William 69 WMDs (weapons of mass destruction) 158,233 Wolfensohn, James 134,145-6,150 Wolff, Janet 213 women 389 black 194 burden of adjustment on 120 divorced 352 empowerment of 136 Muslim 302,303 seclusion of 302 suffrage 5 very low wages and exploitative and patriarchal conditions 122 working 314 working-class 62,126 women's insurgency 247 women's rights 378,409,414 groups concerned with 6 organizations defending 5 Woods, Tiger 349 working class 62,256 falling incomes for families 122 false opposition between locals and cosmopolitan airheads 350 industrial 87,224 influence of institutions within state apparatus 104 McDonald's a mainstay for 397 tools to resist demands of 120 urban, potential threat of 60 women 62,126 workmen's compensation 92,106 World Bank 69,70,73,75,76,78,103, 110,117,119,131,132,137, 163, 189,197,216,236,238,293,330 effects of SAPs undertaken by 118 Global Monitoring Report 2006 77 Governance Project 146 human rights effects of structural adjustment 138-46 justification of policies 121 policies undermine labor power and rights 146-50 promoting replacement of publicly-funded social security systems 130


protests against 228,240 restructuring towards export orientation under 120 state-owned enterprises encouraged and financed by 127-8 World Development Report 211 see also McNamara; Stiglitz; Wolfensohn world cities 250 World Council of Labour 190 World Cup 395 World Economic Forum (Davos) 68, 70,189,201,306 World Investment Report (UN) 187 world news services 291 world peace organizations 5,6 world politics political-military striations in 233 role of multitude in 229 struggles for 231 understanding 230,231,232,234 world risk society 20,260-87 World Social Forum (Porto Alegre) 45,68,71 world society 339,412-14 World Summit on MDGs (2005) 76 world systems 20,203-13,262,323

World Trade Center strikes (2001 ) 231,301 see also September 11 World War I see First World War World War II see Second World War Wright Mills, C. 422 Wriston, Walter 109 WTO (World Trade Organization) 68-9,70,129,189,197,216 accused of systematically undermining national environmental standards 132 dispute-resolution and enforcement mechanism 201 establishment of ( 1995) 201 failure to develop sanctions for governments that allow abusive practices 131 protests/demonstrations against 228,240 xenophobia 178,237,277,289 Xerox 211 Xie Shaobao 46n Yashar, Deborah 15 Yearbook of International Organizations (1995/1996) 160

Yee, Donald 349 "yellow peril" 310 Yeltsin, Boris 24 Yeung, Henry Wai-chung 274 Young, Robert 348 youth culture 331 Yugoslavia 30,39,290,293 breakup of 38 Islam's borders in Europe 310 NATO bombing of (1999) 385 recurrent crises (1990s) 37 Yum! Brands 383 yuppies 397,403,404 Zaire 322 Zakaria, Fareed 289,297-301 Zanzibar 349 Zapatistas 257 Zara 384 Zedillo Commission 306 Zelizer, Viviana 11,14,15 Zeno 362 Zhan, SherrieE. 194 Zimbabwe 131,215,237 Zionism 53,54 Zipf's law 82 Zukrigl,Ina415-16 Zulus 293,294


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